American English Curriculum For Effective U.S. Public Schools
REFORM Oil
FUELXZiiKi
EDUCAnONJS,.,
The New
Standard
reprinted  from NDPC  Study 19.81
 
by Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.
ND
PC
Suggested Contribution
National Democratic Policy Committee
Table of Contents
Letter of Transmittal ...................................     1
Introduction:
The Mathematics of Language ............................     5
1. The Mathematics of Grammar ............................     7
2. The rules of Syntax:
Poetry and Music ......................................   12
3. The Principle of the Classics .............................  19
4. History:  Statecraft for Citizens ........................... 30
I
Copyright * 1981 by the National Democratic Policy Committee.
Letter of Transmittal
Dear Fellow-Citizen:
    Our task, as the National Democratic Policy Committee, is to help to shape a renewed Democratic Party, to arise from the ashes and wreckage of the 1970s. The renewed Party must be hostile to even-thing for which Willy Brandt's Socialist International and Tom Hayden stand; it must be a democratic-republican party in the tradition of the American Revolution and the establishment of the young federal constitutional republic. It must be, at a minimum, a party of "the alliance of producers"—entrepreneurs, labor, farmers, minorities and the interests of our cities, a renewal of the Democratic Party of World War II.
    h must be a party based on the principle of cooperation which Henry C. Carey named "the harmony of interests'' among industry, farmers, and labor, during the middle of the last centurv.
"First, we must define the principled purpose of education: what is the result to be achieved on behalf of the individual graduating from secondary schools?" Above Yaroslav Shoikhet, winner of the 1981 National Science Fair Award with Michael Masterov, explains their winning model of a tokamak fusion reactor to his classroom in New York Citv.

—Each person of our nation needs technologically progressive industries, farms, and transportation-systems. We need the national strength and wealth our agro-industrial base produces; we need the employment for all of our labor-force which only a growing agro-industrial base can provide.
—Every industry requires a labor-force with the highest potentials for assimilating, applying and improving productive and related technologies. A vigorous labor-force, with a high standard of culture, is the premise for continued advances of those productive powers of labor on which advancement the continued existence of our nation depends.
    Vet, there is a third and qualitatively higher purpose. The proper function of society is not to promote greed. The function of technological progress is to enable us to foster the intellectual and moral development of each individual, and so to ensure a future nation which satisfies those expectations of the outcome of our own mortal lives that we associate most readily with thoughts respecting our posterity.
    So, our thoughts turn properly to education. Education is indispensable for fostering advancement in the productive powers of labor;.yet, the advancement of the productive powers of labor in this way is, in turn, merely the means of fostering advances in intellectual and moral development of the individual, through public education and associated features of our popular cultural life at all ages.
    Today, approximately two-thirds to three-quarters of our adult citizens remain essentially moral individuals. Despite what we witness in Mayor Ed Koch's New York City, and similar'moral degeneracy traced along the track of distribution of the pro-drug, pornographic Playboy magazine around the nation, we are not quite yet become the United States of Sodomy. We have the alarming perception that it is perhaps "five minutes before midnight," that our nation is rapidly approaching the p'oint it will have lost the moral fitness to survive.
    How can that still-moral, approximately three-quarters of our adult citizenry be effectively mobilized, across the lines of division of major political parties, to reverse the past decade-and-a-half of galloping degeneration? On what issue does the moral adult respond most quickly, and with the greatest creative passion? The answer is: the interrelated issues of drug-usage and education. It is on these two issues that one. touches most frequently the strongest and noblest passions among those adults who are still moral individuals.
    To rebuild the Democratic Party from the shambles the 1970s made it, the Party must be above all a rallying-point for citizens who are "death on drugs," and committed to a reversal of the recent two decades of spiraling decay in public-school and university education.
    This corresponds to the present factional division within the Democratic Party nationwide.
    On the one side are the so-called "leftists," including the allies of Willy Brandt's Socialist International. The "leftists" are most often efficiently and consistently distinguished by their softness toward the spread of mind-destroying "recreational substances," from marijuana on up. They are for either legalisation of dangerous substances, as is Prpfessor Milton Friedman, or "decriminalization" of the drug-traffic, as is Hajyioy-NORML backer William F. Buckley. "Legalization" and "decriminalization" are identical policies in terms of law-enforcement practice.
    On the opposing side are the moral Democrats, representing a majority among the Party's traditional constituencies, and represented in the most vigorously outspoken terms by the NDPC. This is not accidental; the NDPC was constituted -to represent the increasingly disenfranchised majority among the Democratic voters.
    On condition that traditionalist Democrats win the factional struggle to take control of the Democratic National Committee away from the usurping kooks among Willy Brandt's U.S. allies, we shall have created in that way the basis for efficient, bi-partisan cooperation with healthy Republican Party currents on all of the vital issues of national-security interest. The defeat of the would-be Robespierres. the defeat of the wicked tyrants allied with Tom Hayden, now attempting to exert dictatorial control through the Democratic National Committee, is in the most vital interests of our^nation. If we can defeat that "leftist" enemy within the leadership of the Democratic Party, we shall have established the preconditions for saving the nation from becoming either a radioactive wasteland or the United States of Sodomy.
Therefore, parallel to all those issues, such as Paul Volcker's ruinous interest-rates, which we are obliged to fight vigorously day to day, we must rally our people on the basis of positive issues, centered on the elimination of drug-usage and cleaning-up of public education. For some citizens it seems adequate to propose to return to the stricter educational policies of the days before the introduction of the mind-destroying "new math." If we examine the matter of educational policy more closely, such simple slogans must fail.
    What is needed is a positive educational program for primary and secondary education. It must be an elaborated program of the sort which could be introduced now to some schools, either private schools, local school systems, or state-wide school systems. If we design and begin -to use a "better mouse-trap" in education in some exemplary locations, our example in those locations will be something to be emulated.
    That is the approach toward outlining new educational policies we have adopted in the following pages.
    The design of educational policies for both primary and secondary schools involves three categories of work. First, we must define the principled purpose of education: What is the result to be achieved on behalf of the individual graduating from secondary schools? Second, we must define what might be termed the "targets'" of education: What must the graduate of such secondary institutions have accomplished? Third, we must elaborate those principles and targets in terms of a progressive set of pedagogical steps of education, starting from the pre-school ages.
    The following pages of this report outline key features of the first and second categories of work. The included purpose of publishing this report is to attract professional educators and other concerned persons to a common effort, directed toward defining the third category of the effort.
    The writer has prepared this report as a summary of results of efforts by teams of researchers, including most emphatically the work of his wife. Helga Zepp-LaRouche, researchers whose work has included an unprecedented combination of primary research and correlation of results among key archives of Europe and the United States.
    We have traced the development of the best currents of educational practice from the Augustinian.teaching order, the Brothers of the Common Life, which was founded during the last decades of the fourteenth century, and which gave civilization such influential figures as Thomas a Kempis, Nicholas of Cusa, Erasmus of Rotterdam, and the painter Hieronymous Bosch, We have traced the development of the great classical educational program which made the United States possible, that educational policy introduced into the American colonies by Commonwealth Party allies of John Milton. We have studied the work of.the great French teaching-order of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Oratorian Order which produced the great French allies of Benjamin Franklin, and produced the greatest scientific institution of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the Ecole Polytechnique of Gaspard Monge and Lazare Carnot. We have studied intensively the work of the Prussian reformer W:ilhelm von Humboldt and his immediate successors, the reforms
which made nineteenth-century Germany the world-leader in science and technological progress. We have noted the contributions of the great Union College of the mid-nineteenth century in the United States, and the earlier contributions to the general culture of the United States mediated through the work of West Point's Commandant Sylvanus Thayer during the period 1818-1828.
    More remains to be done in the spectrum of such primary research. We invite concerned specialists to join with us in furthering that work, and in making this information more widely known among our citizens. Yet, insofar as general principles are involved, the evidence accumulated so far is conclusive.
    This point must be stressed: It is the unfortunate by-product of the adaptability of people that most among them can adapt themselves emotionally and intellectually to almost any circumstances which appear to be beyond their efficient powers to change. Under the influence of that principle of adaptability, sometimes termed "reaction-formation," even the majority of moral adults among our citizenry have conditioned themselves to accept as truisms of educational policy many things which are in fact reflections of a long spiral of decay of U.S. educational practice over a duration of approximately a century to date. Typical of those dangerous prejudices is the illusion that a good education is one which limits itself in the main to the learning of specific kinds of skills relevant to the future employment of the child and youth, and the illusion that what are in fact indispensable elements of classical education is more or less an expendable luxury for the children of the "idle rich."
    Our image of a future United States is one in which children and grandchildren of the meanest black urban or rural ghettos of today are predominantly fluent in not only their command of written and spoken language, but, as they complete secondary education, potentially future masters of any scientific or other specialty their matured special potentialities qualify them to prefer. That will be symptomatic of a United States which is morally and intellectually, as well as materially powerful.
    Let us speak frankly. Our nation has not had Presidents comparable in quality to Washington, the two Adamses, and Madison in over a century to date. Relatively speaking. Franklin Delano Roosevelt stands out during this century not only for his specific accomplishments, but because he represented an intellectual breadth of independent intellect, by comparison with which his predecessors and successors appear monstrously small. President Harry Truman excites admiration relative to his successors, and President John F. Kennedy relative to his. Truman may have understood little of grand politics, but he was qualified as a real, professional outgrowth of our nation's Democratic Party political machines, and therefore had an executive sense of how to manage things.
    What is it that impels our citizens to feel more comfortable with mediocrity of intellect and of related capacities in our highest elective office? What has prompted most among us to see in mediocrity, and sometimes worse, a preferred representation of our political selves? Much of the answer lies in what we have done to our children in our educational systems.
    Let us, therefore, approach this matter of educational policy as the central point of reference for the broader, coherent efforts of rebuilding our Party and our nation. Let us restore the vision of the American Dream, and let us restore what was at its founding a beacon of hope and temple of liberty, to something more than a mere dream, to become in policy of actual practice, a quality which is made credible because it is being realized in terms accessible to the year-to-year experience of our citizenry.

Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.
NDPC Advisory Committee Chairman
August 16, 1981
Sincerely yours,
Introduction: The Mathematics Of Language
The time was the period between 1815 and 1848. The place was Berlin University.
    The great classical philologist, August Beockh, instructed his associate, the philologist Karl Jacobi, to teach advanced mathematics during the next term's program. Jacobi protested that he had no training in advanced mathematics. Boeckh corrected Jacobi. Jacobi had mastered classical philology and Greek philosophy; therefore. Jacobi had already mastered advanced mathematics.
    The result of Boeckh's advice to Jacobi is that modern elliptical functions are often, rightly, termed Jacobian functions, and in the mathematical theory' of functions every university school-child studying calculus and differential equations is required to master the Jacobian form of differential equations. On the combined basis of Jacobi's mastery of Abelian functions and the contributions of Fourier, Poncelet. and Louis Legendre. over the period from 1827 through approximately 1860, all of those advancements on modern mathematical physics superseding the Ecole Polytechnique of 1794-1814 were accomplished.
    If we examine closely the primary documents available in the principal archives of France. Germany, Italy, and elsewhere, covering the period from the fifteenth century in Italy to the present time, even7 fundamental advance in basic mathematical physics was completed in Germany during the period indicated. There has been advancement in scope and in details of application since, but not a single fundamental advance comparable to the waves of successive revolutions dominating continental European science over the period from Brunelleschi through the mid-nineteenth-century work of Bernhard Riemann.
    During the 1920s, Bertrand Russell and others argued that the stagnation of progress in fundamental scientific achievement reflected the fact that the nineteenth century had discovered about as much as was possible for man to discover, at least in respect to fundamental principles of lawful ordering of cause and effect in the universe. Subsequent events have continued to prove Russell is argument to be evil nonsense. In matters such as relativistic-plasma beam technologies, and in such matters as reports transmitted from the Voyager's flight past Saturn, the need for new revolutions in fundamental assumptions of mathematical physics is conclusively demonstrated.
    The stagnation in fundamental progress in mathematical science is not a result of lack of remaining challenges in nature. The fault lies in the inability among most of our trained professionals to direct their efforts efficiently toward such accomplishments. The fault lies largely in the drift of educational and national scientific policies. The key to the fault is the inability of most among today's scientists, for example, to understand the substance of the argument Boeckh delivered to Karl Jacobi.
    In brief, the point to be made is this. Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz was the first, before Humboldt and Boeckh. to have outlined in a fresh way, the fact that a literate form of language, modeled on the classical Greek developed from Homer through Plato's dialogues, is implicitly a more powerful mathematics than anything we associate with symbolic mathematics today. Between Leibniz and Boeckh intervened the titanic mastery of many known languages by the
1
The
Mathematics Of Grammar
The full explanation of the formal distinctions of a literate form of language can not be made available until the interconnection of language with poetry, music and geometry is treated. It is the impact of the latter three upon the grammatical requirements of language which determines proper syntax, punctuation and so forth. So, in this section we focus our attention upon the principal among the grammatical distinctions of literate language as a "potential mathematics."
    There are 1,260 principal degrees of freedom of the grammatical structure of any literate form of language, of .which seven factors pertain to the grammatical cases and one-hundred-eighty factors pertain to the structuring of statements of verbal action. (Hence, 7 X 180 = 1,260.)
Engraving of an experiment in perspective t>y Renaissance painter and mathematician Albrecht Diirer. "A corrected view of geometry is key for understanding the implicit advanced mathematical potentialities of a literate form of language."

The Grammatical Cases
In a literate statement only three kinds of objects are possible: subject, direct object, or indirect object. Each such object-type may be represented by a term identifying a real or abstract object, or. through the same function performed by an entire phrase or clause.
    There are four kinds of grammatical cases which may situate the objects of speech. The first is the nominative relationship, peculiar to the subject. For each of the remaining three kinds of grammatical cases, genitive, indirect-action (dative), and direct-action (accusative), there are two sub-cases. For each of the genitive, indirect-action and direct-action cases, there is one case for the direct object and another for the indirect object.
    This includes the case sometimes termed the "absolute genetive," as typified in the English of William Shakespeare by use of the expression "(of) the which," to include the entirety of the antecedent statements of reference as an indirect object within the statement.
    This defines a literate language as one in which speakers recognize neither more nor less than seven primary grammatical cases.
Tenses Narrowly Defined
There are three primary tenses: past, present and future. However, the objects situated by verbal action may be situated with respect to either past", present or future in one-of three ways. The action observed by the statement in either the simple present, past or future may be a condition continuing at that time of observation, may be a condition completed at the time of observation, or may be a condition which had been completed prior to the time of observation.
    We speak sometimes of imperfect, perfect and pluperfect. These are the preferred terms; substitutes which have crept into educational programs should be eliminated in favor of these three. The notion of perfect as approximately a synonym for complete is the most rigorous, less disorienting choice of terms.
    Therefore, a literate language is one whose speakers recognize neither more nor less than nine distinctions (3X3 = 9) among simple tenses situating the objects of speech with respect to verbal action,
Moods
The primary distinction of qualities of verbal action is between what'statements designate as actual and hypothetical occurrences.
    Actual occurrences are expressed in one of three alternative modes (moods) of verbal action: Simple indicative, conditional ("if") indicative,, and imperative (indicative).
    Hypothetical occurrences are. expressed in one of two alternative, modes (moods): simple subjunctive; or conditional subjunctive.
    Therefore, a literate language is one whose speakers recognize neither more nor less than five primary distinctions (3+2 = 5) of mood.
Further Discrimination
Verbal action may be stated either in the active or passive voices. The-verbal action may be either self-reflexive or not reflexive.
This expresses four additional degrees of freedom (2 + 2 = 4) for expressing, verbal action.
4X5X9 = 180 degrees of freedom in defining the verbal action as such.
    180 X 7 = 1,260 defines the full range of degrees of freedom for expression of verbal action in terms of the cases situating objects of speech.
    This literate language requires a working vocabulary of between 50,000 and 100,000 terms.
    Those are, in summary, the primary grammatical distinctions of a literate form of language.
    For reasons to be demonstrated, the distinctions of transitive and intransitive are derivative distinctions, not primary discriminations of grammar.
Literate Speech is Anti-Aristotelean
One of the common, extremely mind-destructive errors of instruction respecting grammar is the view which defines the objects of speech as the substantives. The objects of speech are usually (excepting notions associated with God, universe, and similarly universal objects) ephemerals in real character. They are variously mortal individuals (hence, ephemerals), objects which are easily destroyed or which decay and so forth: all ephemerals.
    The substantive of literate speech is the verbal action itself. Such action either changes the universe, or is reported on the assumption that it does represent the quality of actual or hypothetical action which changes the universe permanently. It is the changes in the universe effected through action which are permanent, and hence the properly defined substantives of literate communication.
    The error of treating objects of speech as "substantives" is the error intrinsic to the Aristotelean syllogism, which reduces verbal action to a property of the juxtaposition of objects, and eliminates causality in preference for the syllogistic device of the "middle term."
Grammar in the Light of Topology
    The commonplace, mind-crippling error of even traditional (pre-" new math") instruction in geometry was excessive emphasis on the Euclidean axioms and postulates. It is true, within determinable limits, that physical action in the universe can be projected upon a geometry of conical projections, of the type which appears to be consistent (within limits) with Euclidean assumptions. Once we understand why such projections must succeed within limits, we understand why assumptions as absurd physically as those of Euclid must appear to be useful within limits. Such usefulness of the Euclidean-conical schema must not be stretched into the absurd assumption that the lawful ordering of the universe is Euclidean.
    A corrected view of geometry is key for understanding the implicit advanced mathematical potentialities of a literate form of language.
    Contrary to Euclid, a line is not determined by two points, nor a surface by the intersection of two straight lines. Directly the opposite. A point is determined (in reality) by the intersection of two lines, and a line by the intersection of two surfaces. Similarly, a surface is determined by the intersection of two solids.
    In mathematical physics, a point is not of zero-magnitude, nor is it a line of zero-thickness. The mathematical-functional definitions of points, lines and surfaces are quite sensible, and require no metaphysical nonsense about the ontological reality of entities defined in terms of zero or infinitesimal magnitudes.
    In Cartesian space, for example, a line is defined by a function. The intersection of two lines, a point, is a region of space in which one can not extend the function for either line without running into a part of the line which is defined by the function of an entirely different
line. A line is, similarly, a boundary-region defined by the intersection of the functions for two surfaces. A surface is a boundary condition with respect to solids.
    As a whole, the physical space of Descartes is absurd, nonexistent, but the illustration we have offered does not incur directly any of the absurdities intrinsic to Cartesian space otherwise.
    These kinds of boundary-conditions we call points, lines, surfaces, solids, and so forth, are otherwise called "singularities" in topology.
    Let us considerthe first two of a series of regular solids, the sphere and the regular (equal-sided) tetrahedron. The latter is the solid equivalent for the equilateral triangle: all four sides equal.
    In the surface and in the solid body of the sphere, there are no singularities. All possible points on the surface and within the sphere are simply connected to one another by continuous functions of the transcendental number pi for a circle of unit diameter. (Better, set the sphere's volume equal to 1, and then the diameter is a function of pi with respect to that solid unit-volume.)
    On the surface of the tetrahedron, we can not move from one facet to another without crossing at least one of six lines, or through a point, each of which is defined by the common intersection of three lines: four points.
    However, by shifting the focus from the functions for the surface of the tetrahedron, 2-space, to the corresponding function for the volume, 3-space, of the tetrahedron, all possible points within the self-contained solid, including those of the surface, are perfectly interconnected.
    However, now, in 3-space, the surfaces, lines and points of the tetrahedron's surface become singularities with respect to the space intersected by the tetrahedron.
    We term the points, lines and surfaces, as respectively different species of singularities. The function for the tetrahedron in general becomes something related to the root-form,
6x2 + 4xi-
 All of the objects of speech (subject, direct object, indirect object) are functionally singularities in a topological analysis of a physical transformation of space. Since singularities never occur as partial singularities, the number of singularities of each species in each successive state of a transformation are always countable in precisely whole numbers. Every meaningful statement is part of a nest of coherent statements which describes a transformation of a process topologically from one state to another, in one sense of transformation or another. .Among these transformations, there are two ultimately equivalent special forms. One form is associated with statements such as "That cat's name is Lucifer," in which there is complete connectivity between subject and object, or, similarly, the form of the statement in which the indirect object identified by Vthat" is made specific in the form "The name of the cat sitting by the stove is Lucifer." Thesecond form is illustrated by: "Complete connectivity can be established by defining the higher-order function in which all of the singularities described in the foregoing statements are subsumed within such desired connectivity." The second form is clearly (or ought to be clearly) the general form subsuming the first form. That connection demonstrates that all verbal action is implicitly transitive.
The Principle of the Golden Mean
All fundamental scientific discoveries from Plato through Riemann, and all classical art— poetry,-painting, sculpture, architecture, and music—are based on the principle ofthe Golden Mean. From this principle are derived the five, unique platonic solids inscribable or circum-
10
scribable with respect to a sphere. Based entirely on that principle and its derivations, Johannes Kepler adduced the lawful composition of the solar system with a perfection never surpassed to the present time.
    The principle is usually introduced, historically in terms of Euclidean models. Divide a line of any length b, to distinguish a line-segment a. Now, let a/b = c/a, where c = b — a. Converting this to its better form, as a conical projective relationship, we have the ratio,
k =   ——    or R =   ——
k-1	1 +x
for the case in which k = b/a.
    Let the center-line of this projection pass through the center of a series of squares whose sides have the successive, descending values, approaching the origin of the projection, 1/k, I/ k2, l/k3. . , 1/ki. The distance between square i and square 7-fz will be l/k(2+i). The lines projected from the origin through corresponding points of the squares will be a straight line. Let that be the physical definition of a straight line, and discover the permanent expression of physical transformation in the universe which corresponds to this Golden Mean relationship, as the unique basis for defining such geometric proportions. Call such Golden-Mean relationships least-action relationships, and the geometrical displacement of physical space corresponding to that a standard of measure for measuring a quantum of least action.
    In that one has the central feature of the astrophysics and proposed calculus of Kepler, and the beginnings of the elaborations of the theory of functions and topology by Leibniz, a beginning premised directly and principally on Kepler's specifications.
    The fundamental operation of the mathematical theory of functions is the operation defined by Bernhard Riemann as Dirichlet's Principle. This is the Principle applied to Louis Legendre's theory of functions by Riemann, yielding the general statement of universal topology reflected in Riemann's 1854 habilitation dissertation, and generalized to provide the most powerful tool of mathematical analysis yet known, the method of the Riemann Surface.
    We can generalize the principle of projective relationships ordered by the Golden Mean to higher orders of physical geometries, including orders of topology. For example, to solve a system whose highest species of singularity is one of the power n, we determine the function for rz+7, a result which can be represented algebraically as a function of power n + 1, each term with integer coefficients (since coefficients count singularities of the indicated species).
    All action in the universe is recognizably action as it is a change from sameness, an action which is otherwise best thought of in topological terms of reference. The objects of grammatical cases are singularities of the action, and the verbal action is the action of topological transformation. A language adequate for stating all possible cases of topological transformation is, by definition, already the most powerful mathematics available in any form.
    Indeed, when we move from explicit language to forms of mathematical symbology. we | substitute symbols for objects of grammatical cases, and configure the terms of the symbolic expression as a symbolic reflection of the verbal action of topological transfomation. If the mathematician ever loses sight of that connection, lunacy has begun to besiege his mind.
2
The Rules of Syntax: Poetry & Music
All music deserving of that name is based on the canonical juxtaposition of two or more voices singing poetry. The rules of both classical poetic composition and music are derived rigorously and entirely from the principle of the Golden Mean, the same principle which orders spiral nebulae and which Kepler proved to order the lawful composition of the solar system. It is through the reflection of poetical and musical composition upon the spoken and written language that a language develops literate principles of syntactical ordering and cross-configuration of grammatical elements.
    The metrical principles of poetry are rooted in the differences in relative stresses among successive syllables in spoken language. In general, the metrical features of the equivalent of a line of poetry or prose speech can be derived adequately from a system of unit-beats of either two or three elements: /-; -/.' /—> ~l > •/-•
j
"The rules of both classical poetic composition and music are derived rigorously and entirely from the principle of the Golden Mean, the same principle which Kepler proved to order the lawful composition of the solar system." Shown the New York City Youth Orchestra.

    In classical poetic forms of European civilization since earlier than the fourth century B.C., all poetic and musical composition successfully treats any apparent deviation from those five alternatives as a derivative of some metrical construction premised upon those five.
This leads to a richness of metrical forms of lines, as illustrated simply by the case,
A,/-, /-,/-,/-
    One of the most significant of the poetic forms to be studied is the sonnet, tracing the development of the sonnet from its putative classical-Italian origins through such cases as Shakespeare and Milton. The principle of the sonnet's metrical composition is the Golden Mean proportions.
    On the first level, the significance of poetry is readily demonstrated to a student by proposing that a student attempt to memorize a non-poetic prose line and a poetic line, each representing a statement of the same literal thought. In its most primitive virtue, poetry addresses the mnenomic potentialities of the mind. For related reasons, Samuel F. B. Morse designed his telegraphic code on the premise of poetical principles.
    The metrical principles facilitate the identification of relative values of terms and phrases within the line, and point toward antecedents for such terms and phrases within earlier lines. The significance of the position of a grammatically-definable term or phrase within the line or within the stanza is increased or decreased, in first approximation, by the stresses built into the metrical composition of the line — relative to other lines, as, very simply illustrated:
in which the last two feet of the second line have a special stress, which might be used for modulation of the heard voicing of the recitation, as in the modulation Mozart might employ in a concerto to situate the cadenza.
    As Percy B. Shelley properly emphasized in his In Defense of Poetry, poets are (must be) the unacknowledged legislators of society, whose occupation is to impart to the-development and use of language the power of imparting and receiving the most profound and impassioned conceptions respecting man and nature. A serious poem must be in that respect a sacred thing, an address to the divine potentialities of the human mind. It must be a means for compact communication of important conceptions, with a rigorous articulation of idea seemingly unattainable in a prose description of that conception.
    Through composing the most important conceptions of an age in rigorous poetic forms. the poet is discovering or reproving those principles of material and syntactical ordering of words and phrases which realize the language's relatively greatest potentialities for communicating profound and impassioned conceptions in a rigorous manner. Good prose is prose informed by the experience of important communications through the medium of poetry. For such reasons, the compositions of Shakespeare, Milton and the King James Version of the Bible are the model of reference for command of the English language in the best usage that language has enjoyed up to the present time.
    The true subtleties of poetical composition are not adequately comprehended except from the vantage-point of well-tempered polyphonic composition based on the principles of St. Augustine, al-Farabi, Zarlino. as practiced by England's John Bull, Sweelinck, Bach, Mozart and Beethoven. In what poetry demands in polyphonic musical composition we confront ourselves with the deeper principles of poetical composition.
    In that exploration, we encounter the direct connection between the principles of ordering of the twenty-four key well-tempered scales and the lawful composition of the solar
system (and spiral nebulae) as emphasized by Kepler. So, we demonstrate that the principles of poetic composition congruent with well-tempered polyphony coincide with the deepest principles of lawful composition of the universe. It is language ordered according to a poetry so informed which serves as the most powerful form of mathematical physics available.
ABCs of Music
    The determination of the values of the tones in the musical scale is made through the reflection of the principle of the Golden Mean in the form of ascending and descending intervals of a fifth in any musical scale. For example, in the scale of C, the ascending-fifth interval, or dominant fifth interval is defined by the tone of G, whereas the descending-fifth interval, or subdominant. is defined by the tone of F. The tone of F-sharp, lying between these two is the definition of the interval of greatest dissonance, C to F-sharp, a dissonance which is resolved by treating F-sharp as the seventh tone for the key of G-major, in which key the interval G to C-sharp becomes the "Devil's Interval," the greatest distance—and the relative orbit of the asteroid belt in the solar system.
    So, in this and related ways the principle of dissonance as leading-tone within an ordering by fifths defines all of the major keys and their relative minor keys. So, in any practice of music which is lawfully determined according to the principle of fifths—the reflected principle of the Golden Mean, the well-tempered values of the twelve tones of the octave scale are the only permissible values in music.
    This is contrasted with the so-called "natural intervals." The "natural intervals" are admittedly the intervals ostensibly most pleasing to vibrating' strings, clanging gongs, and wheezing tubes, and therefore to human individuals whose musical tastes veer toward those of non-living existences. However, once we demand development as a principle of music—in contrast to the monotonous bestiality of euphoric chimpanzees, only the well-tempered intervals are tolerable.
    This definition of lawful modulation within a twenty-four key domain is not, by itself, the basis for musical composition. The example of the chromatic masturbation in compositions of Franz Liszt and Richard Wagner points to the irrationalism of arbitrary modulation. It is not irrevelant that Wagner was a close companion of Bakunin the anarchist during the radical ferment leading into the 1848 revolutions.
    Musical composition must agree with the well-tempered system. A musical composition treats dissonances and other crucial points of a composition as topological singularities, and, if successful, a musical composition achieves completeness and coherence by resolving such singularities. The developmental process defined by the composition provides lawful perfect connectivity within the musical domain defined by those distinguished singularities: e.g., what B. Riemann termed Dirichlet's Principle.
    To define musical composition, the well-tempered domain of development must be integrated with poetry and the principles of polyphony.
    Not only is the time-signature of music a reflection of poetry. The first duty of a would-be performer is to sing each thematic element of a composition as a sung line of poetry, the firm comprehension of that prosodic scanning is the performer's location of the definite (if, ultimately, ephemeral) parts of the composition. The composition as a whole is a coherent development subsuming such singable prosodic line-elements.
    The deeper significance of this poetical aspect of the composition becomes adequately clear only after we have considered the rudimentary principles of polyphony.
    Let us assume, for pedagogical purposes here, that a thematic statement is an elaboration based upon an underlying sequence of tones we might call the "mode." For example, in 4/4 time-signature these would be tones arranged as quarter-notes in the metrical sequence
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in which the first note of each measure is refletively stressed, and in which the first measure of each four would tend to be relatively stressed in some sense.
    The elaboration of the mode into a thematic statement would then involve metrical elaboration within the four beats of the measure, such as:
with the indicated, underlined, relative stresses on the beats.
    This does not imply that music must be rigidly composed according to such figurings; it implies that any departure from such metrical valuations will be perceived as significant, and that no such significant variation must occur without a lawful musical reason.
Now, let us consider the simplest feature of the simplest kind of two- voice canon.
    At the point the first beat of the second voice comes into the performance of the canon, the modal quarter-note of that beat is defined as a singularity in several ways. We consider here only the simplest aspect. The sequences of tones heard include the following:
From the preceding note of the first voice to the first note of the second voice. From the first note of the second voice to the following note of the first voice. From the first note of the second voice to the following note of the second voice.
    The first two sequences are usefully termed cross-voice sequences, as ironical themes emergent from the canonical juxtaposition of two or more voices, which ironies would not otherwise exist.
Let us generalize this, envisaging a three-voice canon:



In which the following cross-voice sequences are selected for illustration:
(1)   Ap.,)      -     B^
a strongly accented -  _ -
(2)   BJ	-AU+1)
a strongly accented /-. in which the special stress on BJ. as the first tone of the thematic statement and first tone of entry of a new voice, makes BJ to A(j+]) potentially a stronger rythmic sequence than the sequence to Aj to A(j+]), or the cross-voice sequence Aj to
Let us consider, arbitrarily, another cross-voice sequence. (3)   B(i_!)      -Cj       -A(i+i)
a strongly accented  _- _ -
Or, in three-quarter time-signature,
implied, a common metrical thematic structure in Beethoven, for example.
    This implies the richness of cross-voice thematic potentialities (poetical ironies) generated by the simplest form of canonical polyphony. All are implicitly heard; the composer (and, one hopes, the performer, too) selects those potential cross-voices which are to be heard consciously, cross-voices selected as keys to the developmental elaboration of the composition including such thematic material.
    The greatest damage is done to the musical intelligence of students by drilling them in the doctrine associated with the promotion of Rameau against Bach during the eighteenth century. The use of Rameau as a model contrasted favorably to Bach involved two interdependent fallacies. First, that the principle of consonance in music is located primarily in the vertical harmonics (e.g., the chord). Second, that music is properly viewed as arbitrarily "agreeable" thematic material accompanied by elaboration of chords.
    It should be clear that the individual human singing-voice does not usually perform chords. Chords arise only polyphonically, through combinations of singing-voices, each of whose consonant elaboration is sequential, "horizontal." What appear to be "vertical" consonances (and dissonances) occur in fact as results of the cross-voice sequences. Chords are to be interpreted as results of projective relations among cross voices, and in no other way.
    The most interesting of the cross-voices are those which involve a generated dissonance. The most powerful of the concentrated illustrations of this in the available musical literature is the famous Musical Offering of J. S. Bach—a composition which is the root of the double-fugal counterpoint dominating Beethoven's Missa Solemnis, his late string quartets, and coming to fruition in his Ninth Symphony and the Opus 109, 110, and 111 piano sonatas (properly taken as a unit). The role of F-sharp in this Bach composition, key to the work on this basis by Mozart (K. 475-457) and Beethoven, among others, later, is among the most provocative insights into the principles of musical composition.
    The dissonance demands resolution; it leads powerfully toward a development which resolves that dissonance. On condition that the dissonance arises lawfully in the process of canonical elaboration of polyphony, the discovered resolution (freedom) is a necessary undertaking; it is not an arbitrary action by the composer, not a philosophical anarchist's action.
    The resolution of a dissonance requires, most immediately, a lawful resolution coherent with the principles of modulation within the well-tempered twenty-four key domain. However, neither the cross-voice nor the resolution is properly determined by harmonic principles of modulation alone. Poetical principles must dominate.
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    Let us examine the problem presented to the composer in successive degrees of approximation.
    First, as we have indicated, the relatively strongest cross-voices are those dominating the field by virtue of their metrical features. The mere metrical stress, in and of itself, does not suffice to establish credible dominance. We must view a cross-voice as either a statement of or an alteration of a line of poetry, a new line being added to the musical composition viewed as a poem. The relative coherence of such an addition within the directed process of development of the poem is the consideration which makes the selection of a potential cross-voice "satisfying" or relatively "unsatisfying." The thematic lines of music must be comprehended as analogs of lines of a poetic composition.
    Second, all judgments concerning sequences of musical poetical lines are properly ordered by a conception of the composition as an entirety. One must not imagine that good music could be composed as the addition of parts to one another, a mere montage.
    The student should begin with simple canonical principles, and progress to theme and variations forms. The study of theme and variation forms should be directed to converge on the conception of a resolving fugue in Beethoven's perception of this function of the fugue, or fugal composition more broadly defined. No student should be considered to have completed a satisfctory secondary education without a working comprehension of this.
    Let us turn our attention momentarily to simple number-theory, to identify the kind of conception we must employ for relating the elements of the development of a musical composition.
    The different kinds of numbers are properly distinguished among one another by the manner in which they are generated as series of numbers. The operation of defining the series of counting-numbers is one such class. When we attempt to define these ordinal numbers as cardinal numbers, certain difficulties arise, since the prime numbers behave as topological singularities in the field of factorial integers such that the density of primes within the integer field is a subject which has not been advanced beyond the approach outlined by Leonhard Euler and Bernhard Riemann. Fractional numbers are ratios of integers, and therefore can be made congruent with counting-number series, and represent for us only the interesting business of generating them as an ordered series, in terms of "greater-than"/ "lesser than," in the elementary manner. A larger family of numbers can be generated by algebraic functions of order x in which all terms are associated with integer coefficients (including zero as an integer); and so forth and so on. This business was resolved by the successive work of Karl Weierstrass and his one-time student Georg Cantor.
    In general, any series of things which has a lawful ordering of any kind can be thought of in terms of a statement of the principles and conditions of their successive enumeration. Just as it is unnecessary to be personally acquainted on a first-name basis with each and all possible integers to know integers completely, so it is in all other lawful sequences occurring in human experience. Those notions of principles and conditions governing the generation of an ordered series of occurrences can be conceptualized in the same sense of discrete conceptions we otherwise associate with the names and mental images of object-things.
    For purposes of consistency, let us name all of those classes of objects which are generating-principles of this form transfinite objects, or transfinite conceptions. The principle of the Golden Mean K -such a transfinite conception.
    That stated, let us postulate the requirement that the sequence of thematic development within a perfect musical composition must be an enumerable sequence of developments, implying some definite transfinite notion of such a lawful ordering.
    If we assume that to be the case, then the problem confronting the composer is that of discovering a pathway of sequential development from a thematic starting-point, which defines a perfect composition. That perfect composition will be identified with a transfinite
conception of the composition as a whole. The point at which the elaboration of the composition's development suffices to define such a subsuming, transfmite conception is the completion (perfection) of the composition.
    In the simplest case, the stretto of a Bach formal fugue serves as an identification of the cardinal principle of development embodied in the fugue. The stretto is not the principle of development; it is a predicate of the principle of development, which proves to the mind of the hearer that Bach's intent and the hearer's conception of intent are in agreement.
    The classical prototype for such a notion of perfect transfmite is the series of platonic regular solids juxtaposed to the perfect connectivity of inscribed and circumscribed spheres. The solar system is a perfect musical composition in that sense, as Kepler appreciated the connection.
    So, the agreement between well-tempered polyphony and poetry, and the agreement between poetry and the proper syntax of literate language, constitutes the minimally adequate basis for mastery and development of a literate form of language. Underlying this ordering are those geometrical (topological) principles associated with the principle of the Golden Mean.
    So, the teaching of the form of language in primary and secondary schools must be governed by the indicated, principled character of coincidence among literate grammar, poetry, well-tempered polyphony, and geometry. Any separation of the one from the others fosters a false conception of all within the mind of the student.
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3
The
Principle of the Classics
The principal purpose of education must be the moral development of the divine potentialities of the child and youth, the foundation upon which competence for citizenship in a democratic republic must be premised.
    The classical reference for the moral education of the child and youth is the Commedia of Dante Alighieri. This work is based most emphatically on the preceding treatment of the same problem and conceptions by St. Augustine, who situated the conceptions of Plato within the body of the Nicene doctrine of Apostolic Christianity: hence. Christian neoplatonism. congruent in method with the neoplatonic Judaism of Philo of Alexandria.
     All classical art and education after Dante Alighieri is based on the model of the hundred-Abraham Lincoln with his son Tad in 1864. "The moral adult thinks of his or her children, grandchildren, and of the children and grandchildren of friends and neighbors. So, the transformation of the irrational, hedonistic beast, the infant steeped in original sin, into a rational, moral adult, is the greatest source of joy experienced among most of our moral citizens."

canto, three-canticle Commedia. The savage exposure of the immorality of the Aristoteleans of the fourteenth century, the Decameron of Boccaccio, and the great poetic composition modeled on both Dante and Boccaccio, Goeferey Chaucer's Canterbury Tales, are exemplary of this. So are the dramas of Shakespeare and Friedrich Schiller, the Paradise Lost of John Milton, the Don Quixote of Miguel Cervantes, the City of the Sun of Tommaso Campanella.
    We rightly term those works classical which have contributed significantly to the development of literate language during and after their time, and which are governed in moral purpose by the same principles governing the work of St. Augustine and Dante Alighieri. This applies not only to literary productions, but to the principles of architecture of the school of Chartres, the principles of composition of painting, sculpture, and architecture associated with Leonardo da Vinci and the School of Raphael, and to the development of classical well-tempered polphony from masters such as Zarlino through Beethoven into Brahms. Such works are classical because they are compositions based on classical principles both as to form and as to moral purpose.
    The foundation in substance of the education of the future citizen in primary and secondary institutions must be a classical education.
Precedents in Past U.S. Educational Policy
This policy is no innovation upon these American shores.
    Turn your attention briefly to the popular literature of our late eighteenth-century forefathers, including those Federalist Papers which successfully persuaded a majority of citizens of the United States to adopt the draft Constitution of 1787. If we compare the popular literature of our eighteenth-century forefathers with the popular literature and entertainments of the present century, how far we have become degraded in our capacity for public reflection upon matters of the gravest importance for our nation's existence.
    Although we have advanced somewhat in material conditions of individual life, and although we have assimilated the "how to" of advancements in technology effected since the eighteenth century, we are a people inferior in moral and intellectual potentialities to that citizenry which adopted our nation's federal constitution.
    Our political forefathers are, in the main, much to be admired. Contrary to liars such as Charles A. Beard and F. J. Turner, those political forefathers were no crude, "macho" frontiersmen, somehow akin to Rousseau's "noble savages." Those citizens commanded a literacy in excess of ninety percent, more than twice the approximately forty percent literacy then existing in the inferior culture of our adversary Britain. Those citizens and their immediate predecessors had conquered a hostile wilderness, transforming the land into fertile farms through their relatively superior intelligence—relative to that of Britain. They enjoyed thus incomes twice the average of a Briton, and were twice as productive per-capita. Without such intellectual and moral superiorities of the Americans over the British, the creation of this nation would not have been possible.
The superiority of the Americans over the British was no accident.
    The principal colonies upon which the establishment of this federal constitutional republic was premised were creations of the Commonwealth Party of John Milton. The most cultured parishes and some among the most gifted intellects of the Commomwealth Party undertook the perilous and arduous work of colonization to the purpose of establishing on these shores a republican order free of the oligarchical relics corrupting the nations of Europe. They brought with them principally the King James Version of the Bible and Milton's Paradise Lost. Also, from the outset, the leaders of these Commonwealth Party colonies maintained intimate connection to the classical culture of Europe.
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  - The development of the citizen of these colonies was the governing moral purpose and policy of the development of the colonies. A rich classical education, rich relative to education in Britain, emerged. So. during the period 1776-1789, when America was the object of affection of all republicans of Europe, the American farmer was often called "the Latin farmer," because of the influence of classical education in the development of the majority of the citizens.
    This tradition persisted into the nineteenth century. However, the United States began to die culturally during the period following the British secret service's assassination of President Abraham Lincoln. (Booth was a British SIS assassin deployed for the evil deed from London and Canada, and deployed in concert with agents of the Austro-Hungarian secret-intelligence service—e.g., the Surrats and the freemasons of Giusseppe Mazzini's and Lord Palmerston's "Young Europe" organization of radicals.)
    The principal motive for the assassination of Lincoln was Lincoln's resistance to the postwar looting of the defeated and occupied southern states. If the principles of the founding of this constitutional republic were to be maintained, it was the-duty of the United States to mobilize itself with the same vigor it had conducted the war to elevate the material conditions, independence, and cultural development of all of the persons in the occupied regions. London and its Manhattan-centered financial agents, such as August Belmont. were determined this was not to be. They assassinated Lincoln, and proceeded to loot the defeated regions of the southern sates, which did not begin to recover significantly from that Manhattan-coordinated oppression until the period following World War II.
    What foul treason! It was, according to his own personal correspondence, London financier-agent (and owner of the national Democratic Party organization of that time) August Belmont who had coordinated with London agent Judah Benjamin to set the northern and southern states in mortal conflict against one another. Belmont was explicit in his correspondence on this subject. The British purpose in arranging this civil war among our people was that of carving the United States into a group of petty, squabbling. Balkan-like tyrannies, with Canada gobbling up indicated portions of our territories. It was the same Judah Benjamin who, together with the grandfather of Bernard Baruch, organized the Ku Klux Klan in 1867. These monstrous creatures, who had directed the Confederacy to its bloody defeat, then became the first among the vultures to pick the bodies of those they had earlier duped and misled.
    This act of monstrous immorality against the post-war southern states is a stain, a sickness we have not yet extirpated from oar national body. In New York City, looted citizens are still paying compounded debts imposed upon that city by the treasonous swindler Belmont. What is termed our "Eastern Establishment" is a corrupted aggregation of rentier-financier families and their lackeys, which represent the perpetuation to this day of that same treasonous "anglophile" interest which conspired with Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russel during the 1860s, seeking the bloody division and extinction of this looted republic. It was this interest which covered up the conspiracy to assassinate Lincoln, the conspiracy orchestrated by their patrons in Britain. It fell to a disgusting puppet of the Trilateral Commission, Jimmy Carter, to issue a presidential pardon to the Dr. Mudd guilty of complicity with Booth both before and after the fact of the assassination.
    It was the same interest which assassinated the anti-British President William McKinley. The assassin was an anarchist from the same "Young Europe" stable of assassins as the Surrats of the Lincoln assasssination. The assassin was safe-housed by the anarchist Emma Goldman at the notorious British safe-house in Manhattan, the Henry Street Settlement House. It was the same pedigree which turned up in the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, as might have been proven in court—despite the corrupt Warren Commission—had prosecuting attorney Garrison's key witnesses not died like flies on the eve of the trial. (We have traced out the connections, with aid of French and Italian secret services, subsequently.,
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Who the two or three assassins—neither Oswald—were, we do not know of our own knowledge. Who set up the assassination is established with iron-clad certainty.)
    The assassination of Lincoln, and subsequent British bankrupting of Jay Cooke, set the United States up for the treasonous Specie Resumption Act of 1876, through which London, aided by the Morgans, Belmonts and their accomplices, took increasing control over the national debt, credit and currency of the United States. The assassination of McKinley unleashed the hords of anglophile traitors centered around the formation of the Socialist Party of America at the beginning of this century.
    Under the impact of such successive treason and anglophile-socialist subversion, most of the great accomplishments of the founding fathers of this republic have been crushed or eroded. Only the organic instinct of the moral two-thirds to three-quarters of our citizenry remains. It is the impulse for technological progress, combined with a commitment to enhancing the development and circumstances of life of our posterity which is all that remains of the great moral vigor of the majority of this nation's citizenry in 1789.
    So, the return to principles of classical education we propose now is not to be regarded as the introduction of something foreign to this republic. Although we have assimilated into this proposal improvements contributed by other nations, as our forefathers of the eighteenth century did likewise in their time, the principled commitme~ht to classical education now is a reaffirmation of a principle to which the founding fathers of this nation were predominantly committed, a principle which has been treasonously subverted by anglophile-socialist influences over the recent hundred years of moral decline.
The Principles of the Commedia
Although the Commedia is not suitable material for inclusion directly into classroom work until the secondary level, teachers at all levels must qualify themselves for their positions by mastery of these principles, and classroom instruction must be congruent with a judgment informed by Dante's principles. A teacher of a contrary persuasion is to be considered morally unqualified to teach, and thus lacking the most essential of the technical-professional qualifications of a public-school teacher.
    This is no violation of proper principles of "academic freedom." A teacher lacking the fundamental orientation and competency for moral education of the child and youth is no more qualified for that profession than a savage, illiterate witch-doctor is for the position of head of a major university's physics or medical department. Perhaps the better comparison is to the plumber who attempts to repair a stuffed toilet by cramming rags into the drains through the bowl.
    The primary first access to morality by any child or youth is confrontation with the lesson of death. The child or youth discovers that his or her own life is mortal, a mere ephemeral in the width and duration of present, past and future of humanity, and a smaller speck yet in the universe as a whole.
    What importance can one put then upon the ephemeral gratification of jaded passions, or upon what the degraded creatures called philosophical anarchists or existentialists sometimes term "my inner psychological needs"? It is all as dust. A mortal life governed by such hedonistic, individual principles of "free enterprise" is a shameful, bestial thing, whose passing is of no greater moral consequence than the slaughter of cattle.
    How can this bestial ephemerality of mortal life be escaped? How can the individual find enduring merit for his or her existence in that broader width of entire present society, in consequences for generations yet to come, and in fulfillment of dreams entrusted to the present by preceding generations of the past? So, the simplest among moral persons dedicate the
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development and use of their mortal lives to purposes which they measure in terms of the development and conditions of life bequeathed to posterity. The moral adult thinks of his or her children, grandchildren, and of the children and grandchildren of friends and neighbors. So, the transformation of the irrational, hedonistic beast, the infant steeped in original sin, into a rational, moral adult, is the greatest source of joy experienced among most of our moral citizens. So, the loving guidance of the development of the divine spark of humanity in the infant, child, and youth, that which distinguishes people absolutely from the lower beasts, is" the most common and proper expression of moral living.
    The moral commitment is firm. Yet, a crucial problem remains. How can one be assured that his or her actions will change the universe to the effect of Goodness? Man acts, and the chain-reactions of that action spread like concentric ripples through the width or present and duration of time. At first, the matter appears so complex that no solution appears to be within reach of the mortal mind. How can one know that one has done Good?
    We act. What results? We act upon nature. Nature reacts to that action. If nature is lawfully ordered, then the connection between our action and its rippling consequences is lawfully ordered. If, and only if, we can adduce efficiently the lawful ordering of the universe, we can predetermine which qualities of actions will be Good.
    The first measure of consequences is the existence of our posterity. The second measure of that same consequence, is the power of our posterity to perpetuate the existence of their own posterity in turn. How can this be measured? We can measure this only in terms of the potential relative population-density of succeeding generations, the average power of the individual in society to command nature, to maintain the existence of society by its own productive and related efforts.
Is this a reliable standard for moral needs? It is, if viewed rightly.
    The increase in man's power to command nature is a reflection of increasing consistency between his willful practice and the lawful ordering of the universe. In the increase of society's per-capita power over nature, we are measuring in first-approximation the increase of man's proven knowledge as in agreement with the lawful compositon of the universe. If we use that increased power to increase the potential relative population-density of society, we are directing that increased power for Good.
    What, then, is Goodness? Goodness is the struggle for increased agreement between one's own will and the willful, lawful ordering of creation. This is the Goodness of the human species, the implicit duty of the species to be, as a species, the instrument of the Creator. The Goodness of the individual, mortal life is to mediate the increase of the Goodness of the species, and especially to transmit an increased power to increase the Goodness of the species to succeeding generations.
    In Christian theology, this point we have just summarized is expressed in the most concentrated manner in the Nicene doctrine of perfect consul stantiality of the Trinity. God and the Logos are one, as the Gospel of St. John begins. The Logos is the knowable order of continuing creation, the principles which govern the continuing of the process of an ever-more-richly elaborated creation. The Logos is God, the active expression of the Goodness which is God. The Logos also flows from the Son of God, and so the three are one. a perfect consubstantiality.
    As man governs himself in this image of Christ, in this imitation of Christ, man enters into union with the Logos. Otherwise, as Cervantes comments at one point in his Don Quixote, men "return to their beasts, and to being beasts."
    That is the kernel of Apostolic Christianity, of the Nicene doctrine, and of the writings of St. Augustine. The argument is consistent with that of Philo of Alexandria. It is also consistent with the Islam of ibn Sina. specifically the analysis of Necessary Being in his Metaphysics.
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    This was treated rigorously by the great fifteen-century canon of the Catholic Church, Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa. All of Cusa's principal writings, beginning with his Concordantia Catholica, bear upon this, but most directly his De Non Aliud and his De Pace Fidei.
    At this point we bring the matter into the scope of separation of church from state under U.S. law.
    The ecumenical doctrine as exemplified by the work of Cusa is premised immediately upon the coincidence of agreement respecting the nature of God and Logos among Apostolic Christianity, the Judaism of Philo, and the Islam of ibn Sina. However, the ecumenical principles of brotherhood extend further, to all peoples who share in common the same ecumenical principles Cusa adduces for Christianity, Judaism, and Islam.
    Those ecumenical principles situated in those broadest terms of reference define what is termed natural law. There is no contrary, admissible definition of natural law.
—Human life is sacred, divine on principle because of its potential to become rational.
—The development of the powers of rationality in the individual is the proper governing principle of law in society.
—Societies must be committed to technological progress, both to provide for mankind's increasing dominion and numbers, and to create the circumstances indispensable for fostering the development of increased knowledge of the lawful ordering of the universe in the individual.
    For natural law, as for Christianity, faith is not separable from work. Work, unless it is directed to the moral, purposes of natural law, is morally indifferent. Intent, although it may agree with natural law in form, is hypocrisy unless it is efficiently expressed in work. We are responsible for the consequences of our acts of omission as we are responsible for our actions.
    It is upon those Augustinian principles of natural law that the whole of Western civilization depends. The mastery of those principles of natural law is the central reference-point of the Commedia.
The Inferno
Dante divides the condition of mankind into three categories, the respective canticles of his "Inferno," "Purgatory," and "Paradise." These three correspond to the infancy,adolescence and adulthood of moral development of the individual, and so outline precisely the tasks of education of the future citizen of a republic.
    The characteristic of the "Inferno" is irrationalistic hedonism. This is the infantile condition of original sin: my appetites, my pleasures, my perception of "my inner psychological needs."This is the degraded vantage-point of the philosophical anarchist, the existentialist. It is the world-outlook of the degraded Francis Bacon. It is the outlook of Bacon's personal secretary, Thomas Hobbes, the view of individual man as a hedonistic, irrational beast, "each in war against all." In a different context, it is the conception of man of John Locke, the overview of "human understanding' and "human nature" of David Hume, and the morally degenerate standpoint of Hume's subordinate and adversary of the American revolution, Adam Smith.
    Such folk are self-condemned to Hell, to the Hell to which they and their evil beliefs would degrade the human condition in general.
    This hellishness is expressed most nakedly by Jeremy Bentham in his "hedonistic calculus." Bentham insisted that only the momentary perception of pleasure and pain by the
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isolated individual'was an admissible value in society. It was this Bentham who consolidated the wicked doctrines of Bacon, Hobbes, Locke, Hume, and Adam Smith into what became known as the "new British liberalism" of the nineteenth century, otherwise called "British philosophical radicalism."
    The bestial, hedonistic doctrine of Bentham was adopted explicitly by John Stuart Mill as the entire basis for his utilitarian doctrine and the associated dogma of "marginal utility." All British and positivist doctrines of political-economy today, including those of the evil Professor Milton.Friedman, are based on the hedonistic doctrine of Bentham and Mill. Friedman's public advocacy of legalization of heroin, on grounds of his "free enterprise" cult-dogma, is exemplary of the moral degradation intrinsic to the "free enterprise" dogma as a whole—A dogma which has nothing to do with the actual achievements of the .American form of industrial capitalist development.
    It is true that the infant is steeped in the original sin of hedonistic irrationality. If the individual were to remain so through childhood, adolescence, into adulthood, he would be an insane, evil beast, like our modern anarchists, existentialists and their fascist variants. The "Inferno" outlines the susceptibilities through which adult man degrades himself into such infantile wickedness.
    When such infantilism occurs in the child, adolescent or adult, we speak properly of "infantile regressions." This mental disease, infantile regression to anarchism, existentialism, we rightly associate under natural law with the criminal mind and with insanity.
"Paradise"
    The "Purgatory," located between "Inferno" and "Paradise," can not be adequately understood except by situating it in that position. It is the condition of ambiguity, between Heaven and Hell, in which condition most of the moral members of society are located up to this time in history.
    The essential feature of "Purgatory" is that its denizens yearn for Heaven, but are unwilling to pull their hands and feet out of the muck of the "Inferno." To understand what "Purgatory" is, one must understand what it fails to accomplish.
    In "Paradise," adult man has reached moral maturity. The individual locates his or her personal identity primarily in the consequences of self-development of practice over the width-and duration of present and time to come. The individual locates that self-development as a sacred trust transmitted to persons of the present from the past. In modern practice, such a person roots himself intellectually in knowledge of the continuing struggle of Western civilization over a span of not less than 2,500 years, and defines himself as an instrument of that continuing struggle.
    The standpoint of Paradise is not stoicism. The individual has material and related needs, which are needs as they bear upon the maintenance and strengthening of his or her individual capacities to act more efficiently for those higher purposes to which the individual life is properly dedicated. Nor. unlike the misguided stoic, does the moral individual forsake all pleasure. The development of the mind of the child is pleasure. Creative discovery is pleasure. Music and poetry which celebrate and reenforce creative powers of mind are pleasure of the highest order. Pleasure is limited to morally efficient forms of pleasure, but such pleasure is sought and richly enjoyed.
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"Purgatory"
The individual in the in-between condition of moral development is the moral individual of Immanuel Kant's categorical imperative. This person wishes to perform no evil, and to accomplish good. However, Good is not the direct object of his or her actions.
    This individual is dominated by pursuit of such little goals in life as career, personal and family security narrowly defined, good opinion of peers, and pension. This individual will do almost anything to serve such narrow objectives, except to do consistently that which the individual acknowledges to be wicked. When he or she is wicked, that individual is guilty in conscience. When he or she acts above consideration for narrow self-interest, by exception, such an individual is overwhelmed by an excess of moral, sentimental self-admiration.
    Those impulses which such an individual recognizes as actually or implicitly wicked in consequences, the individual negates. Guilty conscience inhibits the individual from acting upon such impulses. As Kant outlines the matter in his Critique of Practical Reason, by making such negations of undesirable impulses the hallmark of morality—negation of the negation—the individual identifies himself as a moral person. For him, to affirm the negation of wicked impulses in that way is morality.
    He lacks a truly positive sense of morality, lacks the positive outlook and sense of historical identity of the individual in the. state of Paradise.
    Here, in the defects of the individual in Purgatory, we locate the crucial problem of the ordering of republics.
    The need to keep the philosophical anarchists, the criminals and the insane in check is a simple and clear imperative for society. The problem is, if the majority of the citizens of a republic are developed to no higher degree than Purgatory, how shall they hold in check those dangers which flow from their own shortcomings in moral development?
    The problem of society is that the preoccupation of most of the citizens with little matters of career, immediate family interests, pension, and so forth, prevents them fron conceptualizing the larger issues of national domestic and foreign policies of the nation. It is through such "littleness" of the majority of citizens that promising republics, such as our own nation, are repeatedly undone.
The solution to this source of perils is of a twofold character.
    In grave crises, all of the little goals of personal life—career, family security, pension, and so forth—are placed in jeopardy. The accustomed rules of practice by which citizens seek to realize such goals break down. In such a crisis, one of two outcomes is probable. Either the society is transformed into a Hobbesian nightmare, degraded beyond repair in that direction, or the shock of calamities arouses sleeping, nobler potentialities among a sufficient portion of the people that the nation renews itself through commitment to higher principles in the course of overcoming the crisis.
In a relatively rarer and happier outcome of calamity, a great people, morally uplifted by crisis, may order its affairs as did the creators of this republic during 1787-1793, from the Philadelphia constitutional convention through the first administration of George Washington. They impose upon themselves and their posterity a constitutional ordering of institutions of self-government, such that, after the crisis has passed, and they have resumed their narrow-minded littleness of preoccupations, those institutions and that body of constitutional law prevent the ruin of the nation through capricious evils wrought by episodic electoral majorities. The source of such achievements in constitutional ordering of affairs is chiefly twofold. A people may be influenced by the example of other nations, as the republicans of late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. Europe were inspired by the American Revolution and the example of our federal constitution. A people draws upon the innovative contributions of a relative handful of poets, philosophers and statesmen within its own ranks. So, Germany
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defeated by Napoleon in 1806, pushed aside the discredited policies of the anti-republican oligarchists of Prussia, permitting the great republican reforms of vom Stein, Wilhelm von Humboldt and Scharnhorst under minister Hardenberg in 1809.
    In our own national experience, a wicked and lying opinion of Benjamin Franklin and of
Alexander Hamilton has been spread by malicious anglophiles, degrading Franklin, one of the
greatest scientific minds as well as world statesmen of the eighteenth century into a combina
tion of shrewd, tinkering bumpkin and womanizer. The sheer intellectual and moral power.
represented by Franklin is lost amid the lies retailed by credulous, miseducated school-teachers
to impressionable school children.	. •• ,
    Yet, must a nation rely upon the roulette of calamity's crisis-periods to arouse itself once again from the preceding period of cultivation of disaster through epidemics of "littleness"? If we can provide our citizens with an education and continuing culture, to the effect that they can lift themselves above day-to-day littleness when considering matters of public policy, a majority of citizens so elevated in moral quality and related matters of knowledge of statecraft serves as a bastion of support for constitutional law, and the strength of rationality of the electorate upon which honest statesmen can rely in matters of important national policy.
    It is to that end that a classic education centered upon the principles of the Commedia must be the foundation upon which the substance of public education is ordered.
    So that great platonic dialogue in prose, Miguel Cervantes' Don Quixote presents us with a Spain caught between the decayed relics of chivalry, Don Quixote, and an irrational, cowardly, gluttonous peasant, Sancho Panza. How can the Spain of the future, clearly a matter of the development of the Sancho Panzas to fitness to govern, be secured?
    This is the subject in general of the dramas of Shakespeare, as well as the Paradise Lost of Milton. It is the City of the Sun of Campanella. It is the point of Goeffrey Chaucer's Canterbury Tales earlier. The most accomplished expression of this function of drama is the dramas of Friedrich Schiller. Schiller presented a quality of genius surpassing virtually all among his leading contemporaries of that period of world-history, and focused this extraordinary talent upon making himself the first to establish successfully the science of universal history. His dramas, directed to uplifting the audiences out of the littleness which the French people had exhibited in tolerating the Jacobins, combine insight with an historical accuracy not accomplished by any dramatist before or after.
    It is the classical literature expressing these principles which is the proper bedrock of substance in primary and secondary education. This is the kernel of material for the development of the moral powers of the students.
Translations
It is urgent that we mobilize good translations of the key classical writings from other languages. Although we must encourage mastery of modern languages and classical Greek and Latin as well, it is important to make certain among these works accessible to the student who has not yet mastered such languages adequately to appreciate the literature adequately in the original.
    In general, we should prefer the teaching of classical Greek over Latin in public education. The classical Greek, beginning with Homer and concluding with Plato, has a richer literature than the Latin and is a superior language in respect of all the qualities of a literate language. On condition that good translations of important Latin works are available, there is no general advantage to be gained for our citizens by including Latin as a featured topic of public education. It were better to begin instruction in such works as the Illiad and Odyssey at about the age of eight, and to complete such classical studies, with Aeschylus and the dialogues of
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Plato, by the age of between sixteen and eighteen. Classical Greek plus mastery of a literate form of at least one modern language in addition to English, is an adequate grounding in language for our future citizens generally.
To be preferred to Latin would be Dante's Italian as a reference-point for subsumed mastery of literate forms of Florentine modern Italian. The Italian language has existed at least as long as the Roman's Latin, and, as roots in romance languages attest to this day the Roman legionnaires and others who carried the languages of Italy into other parts of Europe carried Italian, not Latin as their native tongue. The myth of Italian as an outgrowth of the vulgate Latin is a hoax which ought to be brushed aside for once and for all. The significance of classical Greek is summarily as follows.
    There was a general collapse of civilization over a period embracing at least much of the second millemum B.C. into the rise of Christian civilization out of the degeneration of the evil culture of Rome. During this period, from early during the first millennium B.C. forces in Egypt associated with the Cyrenaic temple of Amon fostered two cultures in the Mediterranean, the Etruscan and the Greek. The evil Romans worked to eradicate almost from memory the very existence of the Etruscan culture, but the Greek classical culture had much happier' consequences.
    Greek culture had lapsed into an illiterate "dark age." Aided by Egypt, the lonians and Athens were revived as centers of literate culture and commerce, the lonians dominating Egypt's commerce in the eastern Mediterranean as the Etruscans dominated Egypt's commerce in the western part, the Greek settlements in southern Italy and Sicily in-between So as the case of Plato, and of the earlier Seven Sages of Greece attests, Amon mediated ihe knowledge stored up m Egypt to its allies among Greeks, to the degree that there is some doubt exactly what degree Greek knowledge was assimilated from Amon and what degree Greeks significantly advanced knowledge from that starting-point of reference. The classical Greeks agree in emphasizing the great debt to Egypt.
    As the fifteenth-century Renaissance recognized, the classical Greek language and culture had been the most advanced known to modern times from ancient periods. The Erasmian reforms, premising the educational development of Europe upon the classical Greek models of both language and literature, are exemplary of a perception which the leading educators of the early nineteenth century found to have been entirely valid.
    The Egyptian effort to save civilization through aid of developing Greek culture almost succeeded, as the forces of Amon and the Athens Academy united in the efforts centered around Alexander the Great. Alexander's death by poisoning, at the hands of Aristotle and the latter's accomplices, aborted the success of the work of Alexander, although Alexander so demolished the adversary forces that the evil scheme he opposed could not be launched by oligarchical forces until the launching of the Roman Empire, nearly three hundred years later.
    The accomplishments of classical Greek culture were revived through the rise of Christian civilization, and were finally assembled in the most nearly-complete form as knowledge and informed policy during the fifteenth century's Golden Renaissance. It was through the revival of knowledge of Plato and Archimedes (chiefly) in Italy during that century that the eruption of modern science was launched by the successive generations of Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa and Leonardo da Vinci.
    Apart from the vitality of classical Greek literature for today's culture, it is well established that the combination of classical Greek and classical Sanskrit represent the proper cornerstone for a science of philology. It would appear excessive to include Sanskrit in the mainstream of public-school instruction in the United States—although one would obviously view this differently in Indian public education. It ought to be a requirement for specialists in philology The classical Greek has the double importance of being a model of reference for developing a
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philological sense of their own language among English-speaking students, and also encompassing a rich literature to be studied in its own language, preferably, in its own right.
    The problem of communicating Greek classics to the English-speaking classroom today is the fraudulent character of most in-print translations, including thoseof the hoaxster Benjamin Jowett and the Cambridge school generally, as well as the delphic hoaxes of the Marburg neo-Kantian school of classical studies of the late Ernst Cassirer et al. We urgently require competent, fresh English-language translations of Greek and other basic classical texts, for the use of teachers at all levels of education (for their own education) as well as for classroom use.
Pedagogical Focus
Classical literature should be presented to the students from a double vantage-point. It is the vehicle for imparting to students not only a knowledge of literate forms of language, but to impart to the students a sense of literate language as something developed. The student should view the rules of language not as fixed-customs, or pragmatically shifting customs. The student should understand the development and degeneration of tKe use of languages, and should adduce the principles associated with both development and degeneration. Secondly, the idea of the form of language must never be separated from the ideas communicated through language. The student must acquire an informed hostility to sophistry in general and rhetorical elegance in particular.
    The special point of focus should be upon the principles of the platonic dialogue, treating the platonic dialogue as the germ-principle of such dramatic compositions as those of Shakespeare and Schiller. The student should learn to despise what passes generally for modem drama, including cinematic and television entertainments, recognizing the degrading banality of such productions.
    The key to this is the manner in which the socratic dialogue demolishes popularly accepted but fallacious ideas. Although the student in early grades may not be prepared to deal with the conceptions of the Plato dialogues as such, the method of the dialogue can be applied to the demolition of popular fallacies among younger schoolchildren. This is a task for good teachers and for good writers of textbooks and related educational materials for the classroom. Dramas based on platonic principles, composed to be performed for children, and in some cases, by children for children and parents, are much needed.-
    The possibilities should not be underestimated. Those among us who recall our own childhood remember that what can be taught successfully to a relative gifted stratum of students at any age-level can be taught, with aid of that stratum, to others of the same age-level. Moreover, this policy of directing students at early ages to help one another in mastering material is necessary. What we wish to cultivate, above all, is a sense that Goodness is helping to increase the intellectual powers of others to the purpose of common accomplishment of Good. Superior achievement must be valued as a quality of leadership, not competitive advantage.
    This moral vantage-point is key to the Socratic dialogue. If one student sees debate as tricks for securing egoistical advantages over others, the evils of sophistry and rhetoric will proliferate. The dialogue must have the form of a scientific exploration, with the problem of the "Blind Men and the Elephant'' the prototype of the problem of fallacies to be overcome.
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4
History: Statecraft For Citizens
As in shooting ducks, so in teaching history, aim at one target and other ducks may fall to your dinner-table's benefit as well. If it is a principle with us, that each new native-born citizen of any family circumstances might become a future President of the United States, then, warned by the poor quality of incumbent we have too often suffered in that office, were it not prudence that we afford to each child henceforth the basic education required for a future President?
    Is that not the essence of education in a democratic republic? The prudent monarchy of old educated each prospective heir to the throne in all those aspects of knowledge needed by one who must govern a nation. In a democratic republic, every man or woman may become the "king." We must educate the child and youth accordingly.
Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and Alexander Hamilton rework the language of Thomas Jefferson's Declaration of Independence into its final form: the product of generations of Americans who had been steeped in Milton Paradise Lost and the King James version of the Bible.

    The child may not become President, nor even senator, judge or governor oTa state. Yet, as a citizen, holding public office or not, he or she must choose which other citizens to support for nomination or election to many offices, to be a political representative of himself or herself. To represent the citizen on what accounts? On national policy in matters of domestic and foreign affairs, to secure justice before law and law-making processes for all citizens, to defend also the rights of equity of persons under natural law, and to cultivate national prosperity, national security, and the better development of the individual person for present generations and their posterity. How, then, can a citizen judge the qualifications of another for such office, or judge performance in office? Unless the citizen is qualified to assess what our true national interest is in domestic and foreign policy, unless the citizen has a clearheaded comprehension of justice, of equity, how can the citizen assess competently the qualifications of others in these matters? Each citizen of a well-ordered republic must partake of the qualifications of its President, whether or not he or she might ever be considered for nomination to that or other public office.
    It was said, with admitted exaggeration, that each of Napoleon Bonaparte's soldiers carried a marshal!'s baton in his knapsack. Let it be said of our future citizens, with less exaggeration, that each carries the Seal of the President of the United States in his or her knapsack. Then, and only then, shall we be assured of good government. Then, and only then, are our nation's prosperity, justice and security assured.
    These qualifications of citizenship the young must possess in principle upon graduation from secondary schools. Applying that development to maturer practice in the few years immediately following such graduation, and assuming the moral outlook consequent upon undertaking responsibility for producing his or her own means of livelihood, such a graduate will be a true citizen worthy of our republic.
    The bedrock of this education must be the knowledge possessed by Benjamin Franklin and such collaborators as George Washington, Alexander Hamilton. John Adams, and John Quincy Adams. That, and what we rightly wish those founding fathers had known besides. It is the image of the authors of our federal constitution of 1787 which is the proper model of reference for what the educated youth of this nation must become.
    The form of that necessary education we have already outlined. The form of education must be the mastery of a literate use of the English language, as we have specified the principal requirements: grammar, poetry, music, physical geometry, and the classics; the student's sense of the national language enriched by .mastery of the literate form of a classical language (Greek) and of a modern language or two. This is the form of the power of imparting and receiving profound and impassioned conceptions respecting man and nature. As we have emphasized, such command of language is also the development of the optimal potential for mastery of the mathematical sciences or any other professional specialty.
    The bedrock of the substance of education of the future citizen is a knowledge of universal history from the moral standpoint of that form of society properly called the democratic republic. The essence of this is to situate the history of our own nation in that knowledge of world history, and to situate the individual member of our nation in the past and future development of our nation and the world.
    In general, universal history is the body of empirical evidence from which we adduce which principles of policy-making lead to consequences for Good, and which other principles of policy-making to subsequent disasters. There is no substitute for this. Individual actions prove their consequences as they ripple outward in space and time. The decay of nations and peoples under the influence of bad policy-making often, as in the case of a Roman culture wicked from its beginning, exposes policies as catastrophic folly only over the course of generations. It is in the rise and fall of cultures of the past, which, taken as a matter of universal history, that we adduce the relevant principles with empirically grounded certainty.
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    What is the nature of the principles of policy-making we are to adduce in this way? It is not policy in and of itself which is the controllable feature of national life. Policies flow from prevailing practices of judgment by policy-making institutions, and from the toleration of policies, good or bad, according to the criteria of judgment employed by majorities of electorates or the potentially insurgent disenfranchised. It is the criteria by which policies are formulated and adopted which are the proper focus of our attention to history. The issue is the ways in which the philosophical world-outlooks of institutions are shaped. It is such outlooks which determine policies; without correcting a defective outlook, defective policies are virtually unstoppable except by the corrective force of ensuing calamities.
History is, in that sense, the history of ideas.
    Thus, for us, the study of history must begin with attention to that expanse of empirical knowledge in which we possess an adequate knowledge of the struggles among contending forces of ideas. It is our means to correlate practical consequences with the results of struggles among forces of ideas which supply us the ground for sound judgments respecting history.
    The only portion of history which meets those requirements, is the span of approximately two and a half millenia of Mediterranean-centered ebb and flow of the civilizing process since the classical period of Greece. This, in all its crucial features, each graduate of a secondary school should know as intimately as the proverbial "back of your hand." The mastery of the lessons to be adduced from this empirical evidence imparts to the future citizen of the republic a mastery of statecraft superior to that of any prince or princess past or present.
    As for other areas of human history, the principles to be mastered from a classical standpoint are an apparatus adequate for comprehending any area of documented or archeo-logical history, including taking into account such matters as Europe's debt to the ancient civilization of India.
    The important thing is to study history from the vantage-point of the force of ideas behind the draft and adoption of the 1787 Constitution.
The Immediate Difficulty
The history textbooks of our present public-school and university curriculum.are worse than incompetent for the education of the future citizen. In respect to this not insignificant problem, we focus our attention against some typifications of the fraud in present history education, and indicate the outlines of the correction to be made.
    For most of this Twentieth Century, what has been mistaught as History in our public schools and universities has been not only a hoax, but a hoax properly judged to be a treasonous fraud. At the beginning of this present century, both the fraud and the treason were quite intentional: William James, John Dewey, Charles A. Beard and Walter Lippman are exemplary. Since the political heirs of Benedict Arnold and of the Bank of Manhattan's Aaron Burr have dominated the financial life of the island of Manhattan, and also much of the nation's news media, mass entertainment media, text-book publishing, and leading universities, the truth was driven out of print in our classrooms, and lies such as those of Beard and Lippman prevailed.
    Ours is by no means the only nation to teach its school-children poisonous myths. It is useful to compare our problems on this account with a point of French miseducation.
    It is the proper business of any summer tourist to France to be informed that the principal patriotic holiday of that nation is July 14, Bastille Day. This is alleged to celebrate a notable occurrence of 1789, an event reputed to express the essence of France's struggle for civil liberty. The whole affair is a gory farce!
    On July 14, 1789, the later King of France, the Duke of Orleans, armed and directed a gang of hooligans to assault a Paris prison named the Bastille. At that moment, the imprisoned
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inmates of that edifice were precisely seven individuals: four convicted counterfeiters, a convicted sex-offender, and two duly certified lunatics. In none of these cases has any historian, then or later, adduced any element of injustice in the incarceration of the seven.
    The commandant surrendered to the hooligans under the command of Orleans, whereupon the mob beheaded him and his associates, displaying their severed heads on pikes. The mob, victims' heads on pikes, bearing the two merrily babbling lunatics in triumph, marched away, displaying the sculpted bust of the same Jacques Necker. a financial swindler who had just bankrupted France, at the head of the procession.
    The purpose of this bit of Grand Guignol by the future King of France was to create a "popular incident'7 as a measure aimed—in this instance, successfully—to force the appointment of his friend Necker as the minister of the French government.
    This was not the only occasion in which the Duke of Orleans conducted such bloody enterprises. Not long after the Bastille incident. Orleans assembled a large pack of armed scoundrels, which he deployed to butcher the personal bodyguard of the King and Queen of France, and to bring the kidnapped royal couple to await the pleasure of the Duke's rabble in Paris. In .due course the Jacobin rabble decapitated both the King and Queen, clearing the way for British to place the Duke of Orleans upon the French throne, as soon, about twenty years later, as the British and their allies could force France to submit to London's selection.
What a magnificent and pure blow for civil liberty was that day of July 14, 1789!
    We continue the theme, since it bears directly on the treasonous frauds of Walter Lippman et al.
    The Jacobin Terror which decapitated every friend of the United States on which it could lay its bloody hands, was principally a joint endeavor of Orleans, Necker, and the British government of Mr. George Welf, notorious to American patriots' recollections as the fat and palpably insane George III. The follower of the mentally diseased Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Maximilian Robespierre, was a protege of the salon of Jacques Necker. and enjoyed the sympathies of the Duke of Orleans. Danton and Marat, the principal ogres of the Terror itself, were British Secret Intelligence Sen-ice agents, who had been trained in London under Lord Shelbourne and Jeremy Bentham, and who were dispatched from London to bloody assignments in Paris under the patronage of Shelbourne's puppet, Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger.
    For approximately a hundred days during 1814. the Duke of Orleans skedaddled temporarily from the French throne to which London had recently elected him, pending the outcome of the battle of Waterloo—which the British lost, but the Prussians won. This regicidal monarch was later confirmed on that throne for a time by the 1815 Treaty of Vienna, the same Treaty of Vienna which exiled most of the Prussian leaders, including Freiherr vom Stein, who had been responsible for organizing the defeat of Napoleon earlier.
    This council at Vienna is itself a most interesting affair, with included features most relevant to the point we are in the process of developing.
    The author of the Treaty of Vienna was formally Czarist Russian foreign minister Capodistra. He was the Capodistra who dictated the creation of the Holy Alliance, designating the Hapsburg's Prince Metternich as the executive secretary of the feudalistic "one-world order" the Holy Alliance was intended to establish. Capodistra was not a Russian. He was a Venetian citizen, who had been appointed Foreign Minister for the Czar on orders from Venice. Prior to 1815. while retaining his position as Foreign Minister of Russia. Capodistra wrote the constitution of the Venetian colony (to the present date) known as Switzerland. (Switzerland is among the principal depositories for the wealth of the Venetian family funds, and therefore has not suffered invasion or occupation in any of Europe's wars since Capodistra wrote Switzerland's constitution.)
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    The same concert of forces which created the Holy Alliance—and which had backed the Jacobin Terror earlier—created the socialist, anarchist and communist movement of the world during the middle decades of the nineteenth century. The centerpiece of that endeavor for the continent of Europe was an organization called Young Europe. This organization, based on the Venetian colony of Switzerland, was an outgrowth of the Young Italy organization of Venetian freemasonic agent Giusseppe Mazzini. Mazzini headed Young Europe, which was the master organization for the radical insurrections of 1848, a project of Venice's which Mazzini coordinated with Britain's Lord Palmerston. It was the same Mazzini, also with cooperation of Palmerston, who founded the International Workingmen's Association (IVVA)—the first socialist international—in London (not Karl Marx), and it was Mazzini's Young Europe organization which resurrected a long-standing Mazzini agent, Bakunin, to constitute the anarchist international a few years after the formation of the IWA.
    Venice has controlled Italy off and on since about 1268 A.D. In addition to running Mazzini's insurrection and assassination organization, Venice supported the establishment of a freemasonic organization called Propaganda Una, the direct predecessor of the Grand Orient and Propaganda Due (P-2) freemasonic organizations of Italy today—which run, top-down, both the fascist and socialist parties of Italy at the present time. It was this crowd of Venetian freemasons which usually undertakes actual and attempted assassinations of Popes, which put Bemto Mussolini into power, and which was probably engaged in the assassination of the anti-British U.S. President William McKinley and in preparations for the assassination of President John F. Kennedy. Very nasty fellows, usually with a hand in most of the major evil in most parts of the world.
    The later forms of socialist organization, after 1871, were not entirely the handiwork of the Venetians and their networks—at least, not directly. Beginning approximately the 1830s, around Britain's Oxford University and some among the Apostles crowd at Cambridge University, various political and religious cults were launched, producing the Chartists, the Oxford Movement, the Theosophists, and so forth. These diverse experiments were later crystallized around the conjoined efforts of John Stuart Mill and Oxford University's John Ruskin, the latter the inventor of British socialism, and one of the most wicked and cultish individuals in modern history. Ruskin's medieval-modelled doctrine of "guild socialism" and Mill's hedonistic doctrine of utilitarianism were fused under the direction of scoundrels such as George Bernard Shaw, to establish the British Fabian Society.
    During this process, the German Social-Democratic Party was formed at Gotha in 1875. The one element participating in this was the British socialist organization in Germany, headed by August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht. The other element was the Venice-directed socialist organization of the deceased Ferdinand Lassalle, whose organization and personal political activities had been financed by Venice through a Jesuit conduit otherwise putatively the author of modern solidarism. This unification was the seed-crystal for the creation of a new socialist international, once called the Second International, and known today as the Socialist International of Willy Brandt, Bruno Kreisky, Olof Palme, Bettino Craxi, Francois Mitterrand, and Felipe Gonzalez—as well, in fact, as of the Socialist Party of America and its principal trade-union and political spin-offs.
    This is not to imply that all self-designated socialist organizations of today are British or Venetian puppet-organizations. Mass-based formations, whatever their original authorship, are susceptible to strong influences even contrary to the intent of their original creators. The exemplary case of centrifugal developments is that of V. I. Lenin, whom the Venetians and their accomplices sent to Russia in 1917, together with numerous other radicals, on the working assumption that the authors of the 1917 destabilization of Russia had the general situation more or less effectively under their control. Lenin outwitted his would-be sponsors, for which, understandably, the Venetians and their friends have never forgiven him. In the
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opposite case, there are excellent forces within the present Social-Democratic Party of West Germany, for example. One must not be too quick to believe without checking what one reads on the labels of bottles and packages.
    Nonetheless, whatever independent directions branches of the nineteenth- century socialist organizations may have adopted later, the auspices and character of socialism's birth are as we have indicated these to be. Moreover, the character of international socialist organizations has scarcely improved since.
    Why should the British and the Venetians, among the prominent aristocrats and rentier-financiers of the world over recent centuries to the present date, create anti-capitalist Jacobin and socialist battering-rams directed against the institutions and forces of industrial-capitalist development. Why have the wealthy anglophiles of Manhattan—of the Anglican Cathedral of St. John the Divine and the New York Council on Foreign Relations—sponsored such darlings of the Socialist Party of America and the New Republic as Charles A. Beard and Walter Lippman? Why does this same complex of rentier-financier forces sponsor the Club of Rome's neomalthusian. one-world policy for wrecking both the national sovereignty and basic economy of the industrial-capitalist United States today? Why did Charles A. Beard and his "revisionist historian" followers make the central, and presently continuing focus of their attack the founding fathers and Constitution of the United States?
    What is the motive behind these monstrous, treasonous lies which pass for instruction in history in our public schools and universities today?
At the Beginning
The secret of all modern history, including the key to understanding the seeming paradoxes we have cited here, is the titanic struggle dominating the eastern Mediterranean during the fourth century B.C. This is the classic model for the political struggle which shaped history then and has shaped every important facet of our civilization ;s history since. This is the struggle between two forces, one called oligarchism, the other the city-builder or republican forces. From then, to the present time, the forces associated with the ideas of oligarchism are principally associated with Aristotle, whereas the forces of republicanism have been associated with the tradition of Plato, and with the form of platonism, neoplatomsm, identified with Augustinian Christianity and with the Judaism of Philo of Alexandria.
    Since we are only outlining the nature and purposes of history instruction—not writing the textbooks to be used, we shall state the matter as simply as possible. We wish merely to identify the highlights of the matter sufficiently so that the reader may be able to determine what it is we are proposing.
    During a preceding period, long prior to the fourth century B.C.. the ruling oligarchy of Babylon had brought in a succession of foreign conquerors to rule Babylon,"using those conquerors, effectively controlled by the priests (magicians), as forces to conquer and loot larger portions of the surrounding world. Despite repeated efforts, the Persian Empire, the Achaemenids. had failed in repeated efforts to conquer mainland Greece.
    Greece, developed under the intellectual patronage of the temple of Amon in Cyrenaica. was a vehicle for the remains of the culture of lower Egypt, which fostered the development of the Greeks as a force against the forces—the oligarchical forces—then engaged in ongoing destruction of civilization. In the juxtaposition of the military forces of the times, the Greeks represented an unbeatable military technology. The famous march of the 10.000 Greeks through the heart of the Persian Empire left no doubt of this.
    So. the magicians of Babylon devised a new scheme, which they named "The Western Division of the Persian Empire/' The chosen instrument for this scheme was King Philip of
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Macedon. The principal instrument to be deployed in aid of Phillip 's assigned role was the cult of Apollo at Delphi, the Mediterranean guises for the magicians' cult of Marduk-Lucifer-Apollo. The assets of the cult included Isocrates' school of rhetoric at Athens (the school of sophistry) and an agent of Apollo later identified by the criminal code of Athens as a Macedonian spy, Aristotle.
    On the opposing side were chiefly the temple of Amon (with branches in both Cyrenaica and Greece) and Plato's Academy at Athens. Allied with Marduk-Lucifer-Apollo were Thebes in Egypt and Thebes in Greece.
    Under the scheme, Philip of Macedon was to subjugate Greece piecemeal to bring it under Macedonian rule. The archives show Demosthenes to have been a paid agent-provocateur at Athens, in the employ of Philip of Macedon, Demosthenes' phillipics conducted to incite Athens into the war which Philip then desired.
    Once the subjugation of Greece was completed, Philip was to march down through Asia Minor to a prearranged battle with Persian forces. A truce would be established on that battlefield, and the Persian Emperor would award to Philip the entire Mediterranean west of the Euphrates and west of a line extended north from the Euphrates river across Anatolia. In return, Philip's new "Western Division of the Persian Empire" was to be constituted on the basis of what documents from that time describe alternately as the "Persian Model" or •"oligarchical model."
    This projected "Western Division of the Persian Empire" based on the oligarchical model was not to come into being for three hundred years. When it came into being, it was called the Roman Empire.
    Plato nearly succeeded after his death. The forces of the Academy and of Amon used the timely assassination of Philip of Macedon to bring Plato's and Amon's protege Alexander to power. Alexander conducted a campaign according to the plan devised jointly by the Academy and Amon. The Persian Empire was so destroyed by Alexander's operations that even after the successful assassination of Alexander by poisoning (by Aristotle and his accomplices), the Macedonian generals supporting this coup d'etat lacked the means to undertake the Western Division Project.
It was Apostolic Christianity which lifted a dying, rotting civilization out of the ashes of the evil Roman rule. It was through the neoplatonism of Apostolic Christianity, most notably the exposition of the Nicene doctrine by St. Augustine for statecraft as well as theology, that the rise (with ebb and flow) of European civilization was accomplished. The oligarchical model has the following principal, permanent features.
    —It opposes the forms of society committed to technological progress and correlated development of the individual.
    —It favors a bucolic, anti-city form of society, an outlook congruent with that of the ancient Phrygian Cult of Dionysos and Hesiod. It seeks to maintain a limited population in a condition of rural ignorance and superstitution, a labor-intensive work-force.
    —It seeks a set of ruling institutions modelled upon the ancient rentier-financier forms of usury (e.g., tax-farming) associated with the Babylonian tax-farmers. The mixture of cult-priests, aristocrats and rentier-financiers intended to rule society constitute the oligarchy. This oligarchy is constituted on the basis of families, whose identity is associated principally—since ancient times—with the continuity offamily Junds.
    —It abhors the policy of profit of industry, and prefers an economic ordering of society based on rent, a form of rentier-financier rent which is, in the last analysis, ground-rent.
    —It fears and hates above all the republican forces and the ideas associated with republicanism. These ideas we have adequately identified earlier in this report.
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The United States
We have identified the starting-point for the study of history, in classical Greece. Let us now approach the subject from the opposite extreme, the existence of the United States, and so catch the subject as a whole between these two points of reference.
    The pre-history of the United States began with the Erasmian faction in Tudor England of the sixteenth century, with the forces grouped around the Dudleys. They proposed to terminate the butchery the Hapsburgs and their Venetian-Genoese usurers were imposing upon the inhabitants of the Caribbean region. The project was sound. England possessed a superior military and related technology then, and, with an effort, could have wrested control of the western hemisphere from the Venetians.
    More important than the excellent notion of crushing the Hapsburgs was the conception of .the colonizing project outlined. The English colonists were to bring technology and the rest of the best of Europe's culture to the peoples of the western hemisphere, and thus to develop among those peoples a new republican order free of the oligarchical vestiges spoiling Europe. This conception, reflected in Sir Thomas More's Utopia, was taken from Plato, and clearly reflects Plato's keen awareness of the role of Amon in lifting up Greeks descended into illiteracy into the most cultured force of the ancient world.
    This project-proposal was situated within the consolidation of an alliance between the Erasmians of France and England, a linkage consolidated by the master-organizer Giordano Bruno and emphasized in the influence of such works as Jean Bodin's Six Books of the Commonwealth. Out of that alliance grew the conditions for the later alliance between France and Cromwell, against the Hapsburgs.
    The Venetian's takeover of Britain, through the Cecil-led coup d'etat of 1589-1603, not only impelled the English people to their last noble effort to throw off the foreign, Venetian yoke, which was the British monarchy and City of London. The attempt to establish a republic in Britain, the Commonwealth, parallelled the Commonwealth party's recruiting its best parishes and best leaders to support of a colonizing project in North America. The intent to establish a republic in the western hemisphere, and in precisely the area the United States was later founded, was adopted.
    One should brush aside the charming myths concerning the Pilgrim Father's alleged bumbling navigation. They sailed most efficiently to the Portuguese settlement they obviously intended to reach, and continued to where they intended to go, but where they were not supposed to land according to the intent of those co-sponsors and officials they had duped and outwitted on this point back in England.
    Except for Jesuit and British operations setting indian tribes against the colonists, beginning with King Philip's War, the intent of the colonists, including the Massachusetts and Pennsylvania settlements, was to maintain harmonious cooperation with the tribes, and to forsee the convergence toward a common republican order with them, along the lines attempted with the Cherokee tribes by the young republic—an attempt which proves at least that such a policy was a feasible one.
    The period 1763-1766 was the turning-point. At the close of what Americans called the "French and Indian Wars," the Venetians in Britain—the British East India Company—were determined to crush the independence of the colonies, now that the colonies had ceased to have continued importance as a logistical base and "marcher force" against French competition. The measures taken against the colonies have been derided as of small material importance by foolish commentators later. The colonial leaders saw the matter in the right light. These measures were precedents which, if not resisted, would reduce the colonies to helplessness against what London clearly intended. Benjamin Franklin's 1766 trip to England and the continent left no doubt in the minds of the colonial leaders that the Americans could not
i
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continue to live under the same government, or the same law and political-economic policy as
Britain.	r      '
    Franklin found allies among relics of the Commonwealth Party in Britain (e.g Joseph Priestley) and republicans of Ireland (such as Mathew Carey) and Scotland (such'as John Paul Jones). More important, he established a deep alliance with the mercantilists and camerahsts of continental Europe, including the networks of Leibniz's creation in Germany Sweden, Russia and elsewhere, as well as finding time to sponsor the effort to reestablish the nation of Greece on the foundation of the classical Greek language.
    These republicans of Europe made a coordinated effort over the period from 1766 past 1783 to aid in bringing into being a new kind of republic among the English colonies of North America. This was not a sentimental exercise out of sympathy for colonial peoples. Nor as liars suggest, was French aid supplied merely out of cupidity, against Britain. The establishment of a new republic on North America was envisaged as the establishment of a beacon of hope to rally Europe to like enterprises.
    It is symptomatic of the banality and corruption dominating our modern classrooms that so many among us ignorantly tolerate the belittling of our republic's principal founding fathers, including George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, John Adams, and, above all others, Benjamin Franklin. To appreciate Franklin fully one must view him as many of the leading figures of Europe regarded him during the period he led our nation's global war asainst Britain from Paris.
    He was "Papa Franklin," not only the acknowledged philosopher and inspirer of the American Revolution, but the leader of nearly half of the leading circles of France—fighting the Duke of Orleans for leadership over France's freemasons. He was a true scientific thinker, whose work on electricity was by no means that of a mere tinkerer, but first-rate scientific work. Together with Joseph Priestley, Franklin was also the foster-father of modern chemistry The "eighteenth-century Prometheus", Immanuel Kant described him. Not only Kant and Forster celebrated him as bringing "God's Sparks" to man; that is the theme of Friedrich Schiller's Ode To Joy, situated in Beethoven's Ninth Symphony.
    He was perversely honored by his enemies. Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley's pioneering ami-science "science-fiction" novel, Frankenstein: The Modern Prometheus, was nakedly directed against Franklin's influence. One should not blame the author's husband, Percy B. Shelley for this. Shelley's grandfather was an ally of Franklin, and Shelley himself an admirer of the great American. Mary Wollstonecraft was a different kettle offish, stinking fish. She was a Jacobin and Benthamite, and a significant asset of Pitt's Secret Intelligence Service. Not all marriages are exactly made in Heaven, we are reminded by this case.
    Franklin was, in sum, the single most influential and respected international figure among republicans of the last half of the eighteenth century—not only in the United States. From early adulthood, he shaped increasingly our nation's preparations for independent republican existence, organized the international struggle against our mortal adversary, Britain, and concluding his life by dominating the deliberations which produced the draft and adoption of our federal Constitution.
    Our proper admiration of Franklin and other leaders of that time is increased, rather than lessened, by admitting that the outright tories of the 1776-1783 period were not the only corrupt element within our nation's population. Among the slave-owning planters of Virginia there were die-hard, racist oligarchs, like Thomas Jefferson himself, who were part of the seed of great troubles to come. Manhattan was already a seed of future treason, among those tied to the financier interests of London, Amsterdam and Geneva. As the concessions on slavery in the Constitution attest, the framers of our Constitution were obliged to make compromises painful to their consciences to secure a united nation capable of resisting British efforts to prepare a military reconquest. The young republic was not a finished model of perfection, but the
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embrace of the challenge of perfecting a troubled nation weakened by prolonged occupations, war, and a 1783-1789 excess of anarchic "free enterprise" which had nearly brought-the nation to bankruptcy and ruin. It is the direction of self-perfection of institutions embedded in the 1787 Constitution which is the true genius of that document and of the design of the institutions it prescribes.
The troubles began quickly.
    The Jacobin reign in France savagely weakened the young United States. The founding of the chemical firm of Dupont exemplifies the young nation's dependency upon French technology for its successful development, and our reliance upon the French military position in Europe to secure our situation strategically against the continuing British menace.
   Jefferson, whose correspondence exposes him as a witting accomplice of the British Secret Intelligence Service during the post-1783 period, played a role with respect to British SIS's fostering of insurrectionary Jacobin Clubs like that of former Attorney-General Ramsey Clark to international terrorists in more recent times. Jefferson is a complicated personality, who admits of no simply attained simple judgment. That he was a wicked racist, there is no doubt. That he tainted himself with the shadows of treason is also indisputable. Yet, for all his errors, near-treason, racism, and his wrecking of the military and banking institutions of the United States while President, he—like Shakespeare's Othello—"did the state some service."
    The graver danger came from New England and Manhattan. The cupidity of Manhattan bankers and New England merchants was exploited with considerable success by the British East India Company and its bank, Baring's. Many of the New England merchants became leading slave-traders, and. later, partners with the East India Company in the Far East opium-trade. Aaron Burr, connected to these corrupted New England families by politics as well as marriage, was an agent of influence of Baring's bank, the latter the real interest operating behind the front of Burr's Bank of Manhattan. These became the New England Secessionists of the early nineteenth century, and the Odd Fellow's conspiracy later. It was under the cover of the Odd Fellows that the British ran the efforts, including John Brown's activities, seeking to force a balkanizing split of the United States over the slavery issue.
    President Madison's cowardice during the War of 1812 enabled the election of President Monroe. The "free trade" policies of Adam Smith, which had ruined the United States under Jefferson and Madison, were dumped. Under Monroe and John Quincy Adams, the United States returned to prosperity, resuming American-System policies, and developing West Point on a qualitatively higher level under Commandant Sylvanus Thayer.
    Under Jackson and his controller, Van Buren, the United States was ruined in an orgy of British "free trade" leading into the Panic of 1837. This crisis fostered the resurgence of the patriotic party, the Whigs, but the sudden deaths of key Presidents made Whig power inconclusive. The successful splitting of the northern and southern Whigs under the auspices of the possibly insane Franklin Pierce and undoubtedly treasonous Buchanan, made the Civil War a certainty. The northern Whigs around Lincoln made a compromise with eastern forces on the policy of national federal unity and economic development.
    As the correspondence of Belmont attests—among numerous primary sources, the Civil War was a British operation, directed by Lord Palmerston and Lord John Russell. The intent was to divide the United States into no less than three squabbling, balkanized tyrannies, while awarding significant portions of the United States to Canada. The Confederacy was created by Britain, with aid of the Hapsburg-Venice secret-intelligence service, otherwise known as the Jesuits.
    In 1863, the combined mobilization of the agricultural and industrial potentials of the Union and Lincoln's alliance with the Russian Czar, forced the British to abandon their plans for a joint British-French military operation against the United States. Lord Palmerston and
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Lord John Russell were impelled to turn to other than overt military means, to the ruses of subversion and treason.
The first new subversion was the assassination of President Lincoln. Lincoln's post-war policy was to launch the rebuilding of the agriculture and developing of the industry and railroads of the occupied states of the Confederacy. This, the Manhattan bankers and their British friends would not tolerate. A British SIS assassin, Booth was deployed by London, by way of Canada, to conduct the murder with assistance of the Jesuits based at Georgetown. The corrupt Andrew Johnson succeeded the murdered Lincoln and unleashed the carpetbaggers. The principal directors of that looting were the same financier interests (e.g., Belmont, Judah Bejamin, Barings, etc.) which had been coordinators of the conflict or outright British controllers of the Confederacy's government.
    This development, the murder of Lincoln and Johnson's carpetbagger's administration represents probably the great stain on our nation's character. Had we adhered to the principles of our Constitution, we would have uplifted the defeated fellow-citizens of the Confederate sectors through fostering agro-industrial development, and otherwise hastened their resumption of their full political participation in our national government. By permitting the Manhattan carpetbaggers to treat the defeated regions as a hunting-preserve for looters and to treat the people of those regions as like cattle, we perpetrated a crime against natural law and indulging m such toleration of crime, we criminalized ourselves to the point that other acts of self-degradation became possible.
    That evil policy of the Johnson administration, of carpet-bagger looting of the former Confederacy, institutionalized evil by enriching and otherwise strengthening the forces which perpetrated the looting. So, the gang around Belmont was aided in accomplishing the rigged bankrupting of Jay Cooke, and using the crisis they so arranged to submit the ruined U S currency to the treasonous Specie Resumption Act of 1876.
    With the Specie Resumption Act's implementation over the 1876-1879 period the British gained by the back door what they had been denied by the front. They had failed to divide and conquer us by military means, but they succeeded, through the carpetbagging and Specie Resumption Act, in seizing increasing control over our national debt, our national credit and our national currency-which they have retained to the present day: barring the moments we might have forced Britain to give our nation back its independence during two World Wars of this present century.
    The last anti-British Presidents of the United States were William xMcKinley and Warren Harding. Not astonishingly, McKinley was murdered to British advantage, by an anarchist from Europe, safe-housed in the British safe-house known as the Henry Street Settlement House in Manhattan, and by the evil anarchist Emma Goldman. From the assassination of McKinley onward, the British interests have taken control over most of our universities and through that and other channels, most of our public-school system. Today, the United States is virtually a mere satrapy within the Queen's own British Commonwealth, in every sense but by the final steps of technical formalities.
It is not properly astonishing that our public schools' and universities' British-sponsored
lying about our nation's history should focus with special emphasis against our Constitution
and the majority among our founding fathers.
The function of education in history is to arouse and educate our youth to recover and
secure forever our nation's freedom from our mortal adversary Britain, and from all those other
forces of ohgarchism typified today by the British monarchy and the rentier-financier ("free
trade") policies of the City of London.
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The "Dark Age Factor" In History
The science of universal history begins its judgments of history at the point of education the student becomes equipped in factual knowledge to consider history in the large. We must reject the false methods of instruction, which portray history in the large as an aggregation of events determined self-evidentally in the local and small. Such false methods degrade the report and study of history to honest chronicling at best, and to lying gossip about peoples and personalities at the -worst.
    The primary empirical data of history are the patterns of ebb and flow of the civilizing process over longer sweeps. In the whole expanse of known human existence since the , Pleistocene, most cultures have collapsed. Most cultures have not led to emergence of a more advanced development; in most cases, the society has collapsed, its population reduced, and the remnant of its posterity degraded to some lower degree of cultural life, in barbarism or even savagery. The spiral of cultural decay toward extinction, either actual self-extinction, or some point short of that, is ended, by relative exception only, by emergence of a renaissance.
    Hence, "Renaissance" and "Dark Age" are the primary empirical phenomena of history in the large. The science of universal history is the study of history in terms of those empirical phenomena, a study directed to determine the lawful principles accounting for the causes of those two classes of empirical patterns.
    The history of Mesopotamia is such a case, a culture whose development has ostensibly trapped it into yin-yang patterns of more collapse than renaissance since the decay of ancient Sumer. The destruction of the culture of Egypt, and emergence of the dominant role of Thebes, is another case. The inevitable collapse of the Achaemenid and Roman empires is pan of the same pattern, as is the hideous spectacle of mandarin Chinese culture's periodic, genocidal dynastic collapses since the Han dynasty.
    The principal pedagogical problem confronting the teacher and students in the history classroom is a psychological problem. The individual represents a brief, single generation, an adulthood spanning barely more than a half-century at best, and spanning three overlapping generations. Worse, most of the judgments bearing upon practice made by persons within societies are short-term judgments, influencing medium-term and long-term judgments. Let us define short-term approximately as less than one year, medium-term similarly as between five and ten years in span, and long-term in a like sense as a maximum of about a quarter-century.
    The ignorant individual tends to define causes in terms of the effects experienced by him within the ranges of short-term, medium-term, and long-term. Relatively ignorant, more emotionally immature persons are dominated by very-short-term short-term considerations. To such persons, even the full span of the short-term is something to be ridiculed as "merely theoretical." The ignorant, emotionally immature person views the medium-term and long-term as the simple accumulation of effects, each determined by very short-term, relatively hedonistic considerations. From this flows the attractiveness of the morally degenerate world-outlook of.Thomas Hobbes, David Hume, Adam Smith, Jeremy Bentham, and John Stuart Mill to the relatively more ignorant, emotionally immature persons within our population.
    For related reasons, "little people" preoccupied with short-term goals are rather consistently and easily outwitted and subjugated by forces of potency operating from a long-term, "more theoretical" standpoint.
    The source of astonishment of "little people" is rooted in the fact that what seems to them a preferred short-term choice is also the cause for some cumulative, longer-term, countervailing effect. For example, a force of whipped-up, militant radicals might propose that the distribution of all produced wealth as consumption-goods is desirable. If those foolish people succeed in imposing that policy upon society—the recent case of Poland's Solidarists is an example of this, they will gorge themselves on the capital on which tomorrow's production depends.
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However, they will be blind to such "merely theoretical" consideraiions; the success in achieving a short-term goal reassures them that their short-term -redistributions" policy is a hedomstically satisfying one. Then, tomorrow comes, and with its arrival, those calamities which a foolish people have stored up for themselves by their short-term delusions.
    History is the study of the longer-term, cumulative consequences of actions taken in the here and now. History becomes the informed conscience, reflating the choices of actions taken in the here and now. History is culture, is mortality, is the distinction between a people morally qualified to survive, and a collection of ignorant, narrow-minded little fools.
    Literate language, as we have outlined the case here, is the form of consciousness needed or mastery of history. The approach toward a science of universal history is the content of the knowledge expressed by means of a literate language.
To define the principles, let us begin with the case of "dark age" phenomena We have referred earlier to the Greek dark age of illiteracy preceding Homer. We have referred in a general way to the dark age caused by the collapse of the Roman Empire The genocidal calamity of the pre-Charlemagne period is the usual point of comparative reference tor examination of subsequent ebbs in the unfolding of European civilization
    The most notorious of the dark ages to follow the collapse of Rome is what is often described as the "New Dark Age," spanning the period from 1268 A.D. into approximately the third quarter of the fourteenth century. This was caused directly by the Aristotelean faction of Byzantium acting through the Byzantine subcapital at Venice. The Aristotelean inquisition the rise of lunatic cults, such as the flagellants, and the ruin of society through usurious practices such as those of the banking houses of Bardi and Perruzzi, are exemplary
    Usury promoted social dislocation, famine, epidemic, and pestilences, rendering the
population easy prey for epidemics culminating in the bubonic plague. Although the latter
plague is estimated to have killed between one-third and one-half of the persons living at the
time of its onset, this was but the concluding calamity in a long span of preceding reduction of
technology, economy and population. Half of the parishes of Europe vanished into dust during
the period indicated.	5
    The next dark age, following that of the fourteenth century, was made possible bv Venetian betrayal of Constantinople to the Ottoman conquest in 1453 A.D., but Venice and its allies were not able to consolidate their power against the forces of the Golden Renaissance until the death of Cesare Borgia and the installation of the Hapsburg Emperor Charles V as Venice s puppet. The period from the Peasant War in Germany and the Hapsburg sack of Rome, approximately 1525-1527, begins the new dark age, commonly called the Coumerrefor-mation. This dark age continued through the Thirty Years War in central Europe until the Cromwell-French defeat of the Hapsburgs in 1653-two hundred years after the Venetians had arranged the Ottoman conquest of the Greeks.
    The British monarchical restoration of 1660-1689 laid the seeds for the subsequent disaster. However, despite the follies of Louis XIV and the moral degeneration of Britain under the Stuarts, Orange and Welf, America, France, and Germany supplied the principal ener-y of forward development, to an effect culminating in the 1776-1789 establishment of the United estates as a federal constitutional republic.
    The 1815 Treaty of Vienna had effects broadly analogous to the 1453 Ottoman conquest of Greece. However, embattled forces of republicanism in the United States and Germany continued to effect progress in development of the quality of institutions into the 1860s      -concluding with the last major institutional achievement of the nineteenth century the Meiji Restoration in Japan. We are presently in a new dark age, datable from the 1866-1876 period highlighted by the two World Wars of this present century.
The problem confronting the student on this point needs attention.
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    Empiricists would require that the dividing line between a renaissance and a dark age be a sharp division between prosperous good order and ruinous anarchy. On such grounds, they would object to describing the recent hundred years as a dark age. They would point to undeniable facts of scientific progress, technological progress, betterment of the material and political conditions of life of persons, and so forth. How do we refute such arguments? More to the point, why is it worthwhile to refute such arguments—why is the thesis that ours is a dark age in history a necessary conception?
    The difference between a renaissance and a dark age is the difference between a period dominated by negentropy and one dominated by entropy. Positive things may be occurring during a dark age. The cases of Dante Alighieri, Petrarca, and Chaucer during the fourteenth century are exemplary of this, as William Gilbert, Tommasso Campanella, Johannes Kepler, B. Pascal. William Shakespeare, and so forth are for the predominantly evil period of the Counterreformation.
    The conception may become clearer with aid of an analogy from economics. There are presently nations such as India and Brazil, within which important advances are occurring. However, the amount of the advance is not sufficient in total benefit to offset the effects of poverty and decay in the nation as a whole. These—and other nations are presently dying, despite the progress which may exist within the context of overall decay. So. disease may be killing the person whose mind is producing the fruits of creative genius.
    So, historiography adopts as its primary empirical data those facts which pertain to the "long-wave" patterns of overall progress, or overall decay. W7e are concerned, as historians, with "short-wave" phenomena only as these latter cohere with the determination of the dominant "long-wave" trends.
    To accomplish this task, all competent historiography converges implicitly upon the notion of potential relative population-density.
—Population-density designates the number of persons who can be sustained on an average square mile of the earth's habitable surface by means, solely, of the productive labor of members of that society being examined.
—The habitability of land to such effect is defined in terms of the technology employed by that society. So. it is relative to technology.
—For a given technology, the habitability so defined varies as society improves or depletes the land of these qualities, and is therefore relative to the effects of this.
—It is not the census of existing populations which measures what is to be measured: the power of the population to reproduce itself. It is the potential relative population-density which is to be measured.
—The individuals counted for this purpose are not simply biological individuals; they are persons of a power associated with the technology being considered, the power to effect a certain potential relative population-density through their own productive efforts.
This can not be determined for any fixed technology.
    Each technology defines certain aspects of man-altered nature as what we oftentimes term "natural resources." In truth, natural resources of nearly all types are virtually unlimited in absolute amount. However, the form in which such resources are available to society causes a variation in social cost of exploitation. Obviously, in the extreme case, were
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the social cost of producing a certain need of society greater than the total productive effort
that society could muster, the society is doomed. As society depletes certain kinds of the
natural resources available to it, it naturally prefers to use those first which are relatively
cheapest to exploit. So, the social cost of exploitation tends to rise through depletion. Hence
for a fixed technology, natural resources are relatively finite, although thev are not absolutely
finite.	' 7
    Consequently, any society which adheres rigidly to fixed, "traditional" customs is a society doomed to die.
    This problem is overcome by advances in technology. Advances in technology lower the social costs of exploitation of marginal resources, to the point that such marginal resources may become effectively as cheap or cheaper than they were before depletion began Technological progress defines new spectra of "natural resources." Technological progress permits society to lower the social cost of producing new matured individuals of the same development of powers, and even to produce more advanced individuals at a lower social cost than the average individuals of earlier periods.
    This advancement in technology reflects society's increasing mastery of the lawful ordering of the universe, its increasing agreement with practice with the lawful ordering of the universe. Such progress is the empirical test of truth. Truth is not the new level of technology achieved; truth is the progress by which that advancement, and the next advancement beyond that, are achieved.
    So, in first approximation, we measure societies in terms of their relative rates of progress toward advances in potential relative population-density.
    It is not the technological progress in and of itself we should measure. We should "measure" those features of culture which direct society to effect progress, and which shape the judgment of members of society to the effect of achieved progress, both in respect to discoveries and the efficient realization of those discoveries for generalized social practice.
    The study of fundamental progress in scientific knowledge is the paradigm for such historiographies inquiries. It happens to be the case that the judgments to be reached for science correlate with the general progress or stagnation of culture.
The Case for Science
Over the recent 2,500 years, into the 1860s in Germany, all fundamental progress in scientific knowledge is associated with development of the geometrical notions reported by Plato's dialogues and reflected in the work of Archimedes. The geometrical conceptions associated with the notion of the golden mean, readopted by the fifteenth-century Golden Renaissance produced the progress associated principally with the giants of the seventeenth century' Kepler, Pascal and Leibniz, and all fundamental progress in science after Leibniz flowed almost exclusively from his influence. Although this vantage-point was generally known and taught in such institutions as Gottingen University up to the verge of World War I (e.g., Felix Klein et al.), general scientific progress based on these principles ceased with the work of Riemann, Weierstrass, Cantor and their collaborators, during the middle of the nineteenth century.
    This is not to deny important accomplishments in science after the 1860s, especially the case of Max Planck and E. Schrodinger's 1920s redefinition of the electron as a "wavicle" (singularity=ambiguity). However, as Schrodinger's achievement prior to the attack by N Bohr illustrates, it was Schrodinger's assimilation of Riemann's 1859 paper on shock-waves which was key to this accomplishment. The accomplishments of the best scientists of the late nineteenth century and twentieth century have been fulfillments of fundamental discoveries completed by the end of the 1860s.
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    The cause for. this situation in science is the late-nineteenth-century's growing hegemony of the Jesuh-hermeticist doctrines of Vieta, Descartes, Newton. Cauchy, and Maxwell. The vicious campaigns of Kronecker and Dedekind against Cantor were taken on behalf of the doctrine of Augustin Cauchy and Cauchy's Jesuit mentor, Abbot Moigno. Cauchy's influence, which had destroyed fundamental scientific competence in France prior to 1848, poisoned science in Leopold Kronecker's Germany. Science was similarly stultified in the United States, especially following President Eliot's accession at Harvard University. The introduction of the mind-destroying aristotelean method, characteristic of the thirteenth, fourteenth, sixteenth, and early seventeenth centuries' inquisition, to the United States and continental Europe during the nineteenth century, eliminated attention to the ontological, geometric question "Why?", in favor of acceptance of empiricist formulas which appeared to provide acceptable "how to" approaches. Increasingly, the empiricist method, which degrades "Why?" to a parlor exercise of concocting plausible mere "explanations, "took over. The Jesuit numerology of Vieta, Descartes, Newton, et al., became the influential consensus.
    The manner in which music, poetry, painting, sculpture, and architecture died over the course of the nineteenth century, especially under the spreading influence of the irrationalistic, sodomic premises of Oxford University's John Ruskin, is exemplary of the correlatives of the death of the capacity for progress in fundamentals of scientific knowledge.
    The interesting other historiographical feature of this past one hundred years of moral and intellectual decay, is the time-lag over which it has been elaborated.
    Brahms survived the collapse of culture's vitality, as did Max Planck and Felix Klein in science. This focuses our attention on what we might find it convenient to term the "grandfather principle" in history.
    Culture is transmitted through institutions, including the institutions of the family. A teacher may teach in a public school for thirty years or more, a university professor somewhat longer. As they reach maturer years, some of these become senior figures, and officials in educational institutions. So. German university students of the 1850s and 1860s became the Georg Cantors, the Felix Kleins who lived as strong influences into as late as the 1920s. In general, except in societies with barbarically low average life-expectancies, mature culture tends to exert an "inertial" influence over spans of from fifty to seventy-five years, barring effects of traumatic occurrences such as disastrous wars, national social upheavals and so forth.
    Similarly, the institutions of vigorous agro-industrial technological progress, set into accelerated motion by Lincoln's war-time mobilization, shaped the "organic" character of U.S. world-outlooks and domestic life over a span of approximately a hundred years, prior to the "post-industrial society" catastrophes launched in the wake of the 1957 recession.
    The long waves of historical processes are primarily associated with efficient forms of institutionalised ideas.
    We. the acting individuals in history, contribute or detract from the development and institutionalization of ideas of policy of practice. It is those ideas, especially in their institutionalized form, which act upon the judgment for practice of people and institutions. So, the conflict between ideas expressing the republican or oligarchical principle shapes history, according to the principles elaborated in Dante AligherTs Commedia.
    This conflict does not occur merely as an academic variety of conflict among abstract ideas. We act upon the lawful composition of the universe; the rippling consequences of those actions are determined by the lawful composition of the universe. In the long run, those cultures which embrace oligarchical ideas die because their practice hinders the development of the potential relative population-density of society. So, excepting such long-lived forms of perpetual moral degradation as oligarchical Han (mandarin) China, evil ideas destroy the cultures which embrace them.
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    Good and evil are not equal, contending forces in history-. Good rules the universe unchallengably. Good expresses its rule through the lawful composition of the universe. Either man discovers more perfectly the negentropic lawful ordering of the universe, and governs the development of his practice accordingly, or man's failure to do so becomes his practical unfitness to exist. Evil exists with respect to man, not as a power of the universe. Evil is the institutionalized ideas for evil typified by oligarchism, and the petty, infernal hedonism of the infantile mind, which expresses itself institutionally as rentier-financier, oligarchical ideas.
    So, the proper purpose of history is the development and institutionalization of those ideas which represent Good, and the advancing development of the individual above both Inferno and Purgatory, to the condition of personal development Dante ascribes to his Paradise canticle.
    As mankind develops its potential for Goodness, man becomes the efficient instrument of the Logos in the universe, the instrument for enrichment of the process of continuing creation in the universe. It is our proper task to reach toward our task of gardening the galaxies, tending stars and planets as farmers tend vegetables.
    Let the child walk out into the desert on a moonless, clear night, and turn his eyes up to the stars. Let him then imagine the Finger of Good pointing upward, and a Voice enveloping his mind: "There lies your duty. All of the ages of mankind leading up to this time are merely a beginning, a preparation for the new duty now awaiting your species. Now. the time has come for you to adopt a higher purpose than your miserable squabblings on the surface of your home planet. There are tasks awaiting you and your posterity among the stars and galaxies. Those tasks will become clear to you as you go out to encounter them."
Colonialism
The contrast between Good and Evil is adequately illustrated by contrasting the internal, westward development of the United States with the history of the British Empire and Commonwealth to date.
    This was the issue of the American Revolution. The British monarchy, a mere creature of the Venetian interest, as expressed by the British and Dutch East India Companies, opted from 1763 onwards to subject the English-speaking colonies of North America to the condition of producers of raw materials and agricultural products, to deny those colonies not only their chartered rights of autonomous self-government, but the rights to industrial and related technological progress. The American Revolution was fought against the evil policy outlined by the lying propaganda-tract of the East India Company's Adam Smith, the Wealth of Nations.
    It is not astonishing that most of the treasonous undoing of the United States since 1783 has been fostered under the auspices of the lying argument that Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations represents proper principles.
    Discounting all of our departures from the founding—American System—principles of our new-born federal constitutional republic, what did the United States accomplish with its people, its immigrants, its territories, by contrast with the vaster territories and populations under British colonialist rule?
    Ah! The Indians! How shall we rightly judge this much-discussed stain on our national history?
    The original commitment of the republicans, as we stressed earlier, was to provide the Indians with the best distillation of European culture, to lift up from degeneration into savage bestiality the descendants of the collapsed, failed barbaric cultures which had dominated the Western Hemisphere during earlier millenia. The evil Jesuits and others, playing upon the bestial potentialities of savage cultures, created warfare between Europeans and Indians
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throughout the Western hemisphere, from King Philip's War to Jesuit dupe Sitting Bull in our own national experience, and in the notorious case of Paraguay in the southern hemisphere. This Jesuit and British incitement of the indian tribes was aggravated by those among us who opposed developing the cultural level of the indians, and who expressed their compassion for preservation of primitive cultures by promoting wars of extermination against those same tribes.
    Barring the relations with the indians sought in practice by the seventeenth-century Commonwealth Party colonists, and the limited success of the right policy toward the Cherokees by the young United States, our national history is stained with indian blood, but the problem so defined is of a far different nature than represented by the hang sponsors of the American Indian Movement (AIM) and similar projects today.
    The characteristic of our constitutional republic's American System of political-economy is the development of the productive powers of labor of all sectors of our population, a development situated in the classical culture afforded to the young through schools and public entertainments.
    British colonialism expresses nakedly both the intrinsic evil of British culture and morals and the evil intrinsic to Adam Smith's Wealth of .Nations. The hermeticist corruption of scientific knowledge is of one piece with British colonialist genocidal practices.
    Although the institutions of industrially-centered progress continued in industrialized nations from 1870 through 1960. the moral purpose of such technological, industrially-centered progress was shifted in a crucial way. away from the moral purposes associated with the founding father's American System of Hamilton. Carey, and List, to the immorality exemplified by Adam Smith. Technological progress as the indispensable means for furthering the moral development of the individual in society was transformed into the production and sale of wealth for bestial, hedonistic motives. Animal-like greed replaced the development of the intellectual powers of the individual as the day-to-day ordering of social life.
    It is that shift, both within the United States and among other nations, which defines the end of the Golden Renaissance at about the middle of the last century, and the onset of a new-dark age.
    As the institutionalized higher values were mediated through persons and institutions developed in the earlier period of our republic—and other nations, the "grandfather principle" provided a source of resistance to decay. Our nation's morals decayed by generations, with the 1938 takeover of our institutions by Britain and the introduction of the "post-industrial society" campaign, after 1957. the most crucial of the recent developments. The tell-tale symptom of the last phase of moral decay was the reform of education, beginning with the introduction of the mind-destroying "new math" after 1957.
If we are to escape from the doom implicit in this new dark age—and it is now
approximately five minutes before midnight—it is the determining features of the shift from
wake of the Renaissance to British-dominated new dark age in moral decay on which our
practical attention must be focused. The conception of the new dark age is. therefore, an
'important, necessary practical conception.
History & Language
To bring mankind to the point tasks of space could be begun, it was first necessary that modern forms of sovereign and constitutional forms of nation-state republics be established and developed as the hegemonic forms of life throughout the world.
    The curse of Babel is that every effort to establish a one-world order among peoples must lead to promotion of evil. Unless the individual members of society are connected by means of
literate language to the making of the policies of society, the language of the common people tends to degenerate into brutish local dialects, and the people so degraded in language become like beasts in their morality.
    Each people must share a common form of literate language, as we have prescribed here. As such a language is shaped by classical forms of culture and education, those people share a common moral world-out-look, which becomes the basis for constitutional law. Under these conditions, the speakers of such a literate language, on condition they share a common moral outlook, must be a distinct, sovereign nation-state. Only in such a sovereign nation-state are the adult citizens of society efficiently accountable for the policies of their nation.
    Such sovereign republics are the proper cradle of humanity. It is within such states that new generations are developed to moral maturity. It is only sovereign republics, joined together with a community of common republican principles, which are morally and intellectually fit to order the affairs of this planet. It is through the combined efforts of the peoples of such republics that the mastery of nearby space properly begins.
    These principles were developed on the basis of the successive literary contributions of Plato and St. Augustine, most notably by Dante Alighieri. The great statesman-philosopher, George Gemisthos Plethon, and the great Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa shaped Dante's perspective into the principles of the modern sovereign nation-state republic. Cusa's writings, from his early Concordantia Catholica onward, exemplify this process. The science of Plato and Archimedes, focused upon the principle of the Golden Mean, and Erasmus of Rotterdam's focus upon the model of the classical Greek, from Homer through Plato, are the essence of classical culture, the classical culture upon which the proper development of the future citizen of the republic is based.
    Now, the present new dark age of greed and hermeticist cultism in the name of science has brought us to a proverbial five minutes to midnight. Either we embrace and apply the principles adducible from the last renaissance in human culture, repudiating the greed and hermeticism of the present dark age, or our failure to make such a change will be the final certification that our civilization has lost the moral fitness to survive. In that case, we shall not survive. This is not a danger of the generally foreseeable or more distant future; it is the imminent actuality of the present months of the thermonuclear age.
    Since most of our moral citizenry are, unfortunately, "little people," lacking the moral and intellectual development needed to encompass matters of policy on the scale of whole nations, it is only in respect to those matters which directly touch their immediate lives that moral issues have sensuous reality for them. As the moral citizens, even the "little" ones, define their morality of practice in respect to their children and grandchildren, so the concentrated expression of the highest morality in the proper practice of education is perhaps the only issue of policy in which a moral majority of our citizenry might be assembled on the basis of common commitment to higher moral principles.
    If the average moral citizen will but turn his or her eyes to meet the eyes of others of the same persuasion, in the exchange of glances the truth of this point is readily demonstrated empirically.
    Once we have assembled ourselves on the basis of the moral principles of education, we shall discover that we hve assembled the capacity to attack efficiently the other leading policy-issues of national and global life.
    Happily, through no coincidence, the development of the moral and intellectual powers of the individual is the rock upon which true republics are founded. It is a good thing, and no accidental thing, that upon this point of issue the good citizens of a nation can be rallied to great undertakings—on condition it is not too late to do so, on condition that they have not been so corrupted in will that they define a people which has lost the moral fitness to survive.